Panmunjom Talks

[Jay]

​

At the Joint Security Area, the South Korean Army would be on high alert as the North Korean soldiers did their formal walk across their side of the Joint Security Area. South Korean Army soldiers in their ceremonial uniform for the zone as a delegation of North Korean and South Korean officials were set to arrive. The show of force by both sides was an accustomed feat of the Joint Security Area. Especially if the two sides were expecting to maneuver themselves ahead of the talks.

From Seoul a large motorcade of five vehicles speed across the city heading to the demilitarized zone. The technical team was briefed on what to expect from the North. They often liked to intimidate, but were easily offended. The Minister warned her staff, it is better to shut up and take what they say than to respond. While she was an avid fan of reunification and her time at the Foreign Ministry and Universities revolved around reunification research and work, she was not an idealist like some of the others in the Kim-Administration. Her time in Berlin and Bonn was spent researching reunification data and understanding how the two parties had done it. However, it the conditions were growing unsimilar and she did not consider the political will of the South's political parties as fervent as needed. She could only sigh and roll her eyes at the adolescent brain-capacity of the parliament at times as they questioned her over policy and the North.

The Motorcade passed a security check point as they arrived at the Demilitarized Zone. At this geographical point, 100,000 South Korean and 300,000 North Korean soldiers stood eyeballing each other with their weapons trained at each other. Some scholars called it a frozen conflict, but, it was anything but. Both sides were ready for any sign of indication to unleash volleys of artillery, gunfire, and is escalating airstrikes and missiles. Still, the data from the NIS and her own ministry indicated that the famine was getting worse, and a window was opening to kick the Chinese out of the North and take over the areas of humanitarian aid and assistance. She smiled a little as she thought of the idea of a joint hydroelectric program, family visits, and other ideas to bring the two closer. She hated to admit it, but she had a soft spot for her parents who only wanted to see their brother and sister who were separated by the demilitarized zone. She did not intend to play the North's game and knowing very well their strategy and her own experience, she was the South's top playmaker and negotiator in regards to inter-Korean relations.

On the Northern side, a delegation led by senior party members was assembling as they dragged their papers. Not knowing what the South were planning but in much need of aid and assistance, and the threat of their lives, they were far from unmotivated. The crippling crisis was slowly wrapping itself across the country and even if no one said it, the people were getting angry and fed up. Crime, anger, and hunger were growing and all it took was a matchstick. The North had hoped to hold out long enough for the Soviet factions in Russia to regain power, but they would be left disappointed. The wave of resurgence they hoped would rekindle the communist order and to gain assistance died when their movements were quashed. Their window of opportunities were closing and their last option was with the South. Chairman Kim Jong-Il knew what the South wanted, and had his own vision of playing with them while advancing his own interests. He still was a supporter of reunification, but hoped the strong power of the North could've helped it absorb the South instead. He was no fool and knew very well what his country was capable and incapable of.

The South Koreans would arrive outside their portion of the Joint Security Area, standing in front of the large building. As they did so, the North Koreans would exit their building. Both sides not indicating any rashness or slip-ups as they walked down the stairs and into middle Blue Building. Formerly staffed by the United Nations, the ambiguity of the Global Assembly left the buildings unused but respected as the place of formal negotiations between both parties. Neither side wanting to enter the 'technical buildings' that were under the other party. They opened the door and began to file in. Unification Minister Park, Agriculture Minister Kim Hyeonsoo, and Minister of the Environment Park were present leading the South. The North's heavy line up included the Kim Hyok-chol, Ryu Hyun-woo, and So Kwan-hui. The big players were however, officials of their own professions and not party members touting the line. However, they would be a tough team.

Kim Hyok-chol [Chief Negotiator DPRK]: "Madame Minister. Thank you for taking the time from your capitalist lifestyle to come and sit down and talk with the North. I hope we will be able to achieve the necessary things for the betterment of our great people. The Eternal Great Leader, Chairman Kim Jong-Il has always held diplomacy as his first means of diplomacy."

Park Hyun-seon [Chief Negotiator ROK]: "Mister Chief Negotiator. Thank you for sitting down with us to discuss the situation in the D.P.R.K. As one people, we are no different. I do not seek to achieve necessary things, but to achieve everything possible for the Korean people. His Excellency the President, Kim Dae-Jung has outlined on numerous speeches and occasions his desire for peace. We are glad to be sitting down under this basis and to move forward as brotherly people."

The transcript would be finished and the carefully worded statements agreed upon would be the only formal record of the meeting. Now, the difficult part began, the discussions over food aid and concessions over conventional disarmament and peaceful actions.

 

[Jay]

Chief Negotiator, Minister of Unification Park
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The negotiations continued to stall and breakdown over in-fighting and disagreement. The only thing keeping the talks from completely falling out would be the threat and risks associated with being the first to walk away. A number of breaks would be taken, going from five minutes, half an hour, to even an hour. The South and North Koreans would be finding it difficult to come to terms with the language of the agreement, but matters of national pride. The North did not want to appear to be begging the South, and the South did not want to appear to be kowtowing to the North. It may seem ambivalent when every day thousands of their people were dying from malnutrition and starvation, however, the pride of the two Koreas was also on the table over how this would play out. Hours of tough negotiations got some form of a document going, Both sides still begrudgingly holding their positions. After a lengthy break, the two sides rejoined and moved off of the past draft document to rectify errors. The two Chief Negotiators dominating the conversation as it quickly went off the rails again.

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Draft Document​

1. The Republic of Korea shall provide 3,000 tons of food and agricultural assistance over the course of the next twelve months and shall do so through the Joint Security Area as a means of transit and delivery to the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In doing so shall ensure the steady supply of agricultural food aid to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
2. The Republic of Korea shall provide $560 million in direct financial assistance to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to support the areas of rebuilding and cleaning of energy facilities damage by the torrential rains that occurred over the pass several months. The financial aid shall be contingent on the reduction of troops by 38.6% by the Democratic People's Republic of Korea along the demilitarized zone and the technical agreement of a formal meeting between finance ministers over direction and transfer.
3. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea agree to use diplomacy to settle the matters of dispute and shall not resort to armed conflict as a means of settling dispute or achieving political goals and objectives.
4. The South and the North have agreed to promptly resolve humanitarian issues such as exchange visits by separated family members and relatives on the occasion of the August 15 National Liberation Day and the question of unswerving Communists serving prison sentences in the South.
5. The Republic of Korea and Democratic Republic of Korea agree to begin the promotion balanced development of the national economy through economic cooperation and by stimulating cooperation and exchanges in civic, cultural, sports, health, environmental and all other fields and hold dialogue between relevant authorities in the near future to implement the aforementioned agreements expeditiously.
6. For the achievement of reunification, both parties agree to work and promote reunification in that direction on a formula best suited for the Korean people.

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Park Hyun-seon [Chief Negotiator ROK]: "Mister Chief Negotiator. It is simply. No humanitarian aid without concessions of security and defense. It is a non-starter. We can't reverse from the draft document as submitted on clauses 2 & 5. We've been over this a number of times. It is simply not possible."

Kim Hyok-chol [Chief Negotiator DPRK]: "Madame Minister. I completely reject the aid for concessions mentality. Then this is not aid. Is this what they call humanitarianism in the capitalist world? No. We can not accept the further reductions of 38.6% of the standing forces on the demilitarized zone. Neither do we deem it appropriate to allow the opening of family visits. These items do not make sense."

Park Hyun-seon [Chief Negotiator ROK]: "Mister Chief Negotiator. I disagree. What we are providing is food and money to you. What we are receiving is a step towards peace on this Peninsula. First it was the Americans to whom you said was the roadblock to peace. Now they have gone and left. Yet you are still unwilling to make substantial conventional reductions. Officially, you have 380,000 soldiers along the demilitarized zone, while the Republic of Korea has 125,000. That is 3x the difference. The 38.6% reduction leaves 233,000 in terms of aggregate forces. It is simply not possible for us to provide aid without the reductions."

Kim Hyok-chol [Chief Negotiator DPRK]: "Madame Minister. We can not accept that the humanitarian aid be tied to reductions. If this is the case, we simply can not come to an agreement and we shall instead ask our fellow communist brothers of the Great People's Republic of China to receive assistance."

The South Korean Chief Negotiator would ask the technical staff to leave once again. After the groups filed out and the three ministers remained, the Unification Minister spoke quite plainly and frank. Park Hyun-seon [Chief Negotiator ROK]: "Mister Chief Negotiator. The Chinese will not come. The problems you are facing they are facing. Either the people still starve, or we can achieve two things and bring better conditions for peace and What we are providing is food and money to you. What we are receiving is a step towards peace on this Peninsula. First it was the Americans to whom you said was the roadblock to peace. Now they have gone and left...I know what is at stake for you Mister Chief Negotiator."

Kim Hyok-chol [Chief Negotiator DPRK]: "Madame Minister. We both know that this will not work. You know we will just move away from this, and the missed opportunity will be with you."

The mostly quite Environmental Minister spoke up almost a little abruptly to the North. Park Mu-Jin [Chief Negotiator DPRK]: "Madame Minister, Mister Chief Negotiator. People are starving. Shouldn't we be worried about our people's suffering? Why don't we agree to the humanitarian concerns and deliver food aid, and let the military talk about the reductions. We'll leave the money with them, only agreeing to provide additional monetary assistance. People are suffering. Surly we have a moral obligation as humans, but a national duty as Koreans to help our people?"

Before the Unification Minister could interject the North Koreans spoke. Kim Hyok-chol [Chief Negotiator DPRK]: "Minister. I believe that is a fair proposal to address at this time. I can agree that we will not make any provocations either, while we are in this process of discussions and handling food aid."

The South Korean Chief Negotiator looked at the two men before nodding her head. Park Hyun-seon [Chief Negotiator ROK]: "Let's bring the technical staff back in and agree on the text." After the text had been agreed upon, the two Koreas would stand up and shaking each others hands. The Unification Minister and Chief Negotiator would step aside to have a brief word in private while Ministers Park and Kim talked with their North Korean counterparts. Minister Park far more novice to negotiators would speak with curiosity and vigor that was befitting of a Professor as he asked about the North's environmental systems and hydroelectric program. The two North Koreans would smile at the tenacity. Indulging him in little bits, the Minister could see why other Ministers described the North as secretive by design. He still asked with a hint of innocence as he learned more. Minister Kim simply nodded his head, just happy the agreement was made in the end. Outside the Unification Minister and Chief Negotiator would exchange a notebook and a set of documents. While the others were led to believe the talks were all about humanitarian assistance, the situation in Pyongyang had given conditions that required the two to exchange high level documents about the future of the Peninsula. The South had handed over documents on Japanese Imperial Ambitions, the Colonial remarks on Dokdo, recent cables, as well as the Treaty of Unification while the North handed over a number of cables with the Chinese and also data about the full extent of the crisis. While these two civil servants would be mostly forgotten in the history books to come, this exchange was the beginning of something new.

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Panmunjon March 31st Declaration
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In accordance with the discussion that occurred in March at the Joint Security Area of the Demilitarized Zone. In support of the humanitarian situation developing on the Korean Peninsula. In cognition of the undisputed unity of the Korean people. The parties of the March 31st Declaration shall in their capacity as representatives of the two parties shall agree to the following terms. The principles and agreement of cooperation of humanitarian aid and developmental assistance.

1. The Republic of Korea shall provide 3,000 tons of food and agricultural assistance over the course of the next twelve months and shall do so through the Joint Security Area as a means of transit and delivery to the Government of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In doing so shall ensure the steady supply of agricultural food aid to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.
2. The Republic of Korea shall pledge $560 million in direct financial assistance to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea to support the areas of rebuilding and cleaning of energy facilities damage by the torrential rains that occurred over the pass several months.
   • The financial aid shall be in allocation to the Chief of Staff of the Republic of Korea Army & the Chiefs of the General Staff of the Korean People's Army towards ensuring the safe implementation and coordination of resources to assist with the in-meeting statements and the technical agreement of a formal meeting between finance ministers over direction and transfer.
3. The Democratic People's Republic of Korea and Republic of Korea agree to use diplomacy to settle the matters of dispute and shall not use force to adjudicate matters of dispute.
4. The Republic of Korea and Democratic Republic of Korea agree to begin the promotion balanced development of the national economy through economic cooperation and by stimulating cooperation and exchanges in civic, cultural, sports, health, environmental and all other fields and hold dialogue between relevant authorities in the near future to implement the aforementioned agreements expeditiously.
   • The Republic of Korea and Democratic Republic of Korea have agreed to promptly resolve humanitarian issues such as exchange visits by separated family members and relatives on the occasion and of persons detained by both parties.
5. The Republic of Korea and Democratic Republic of Korea reaffirm their commitment to the 1991 Agreement on Reconciliation, Non-Aggression, Exchange and Cooperation and shall make their unconditional pledge towards non-aggression and cultural and economic exchanges

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Basic Agreement on Implementation of Humanitarian Assistance & Cooperation
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The Republic of Korea shall allocate the appropriation of material and monetary resources towards providing humanitarian assistance to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. Deeming the resources sufficient at their discretion and not set on any arbitrary minimum or maximum amount of assistance. The areas of assistance shall be not exclusive to the delivery of food resources but include agricultural assistance, technology, and cooperation. These extended areas are fundamental to the recovery of the agricultural sector that was damaged due to the natural torrential rains.

The funding package shall be made available to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea on 31 April 1998 on the conditions of implementation of the joint-agreement and subject to the purview of the Joint-Military Commission and Finance Ministers meeting. The package will include a single payment of $560,000,000.00 to the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. The payment shall be recognized as a formal donation of humanitarian aid and shall be subject to associated audits by the relevant agencies. This financing shall occur through the Ministry of Unification and shall be subject to the goodwill audit of the Democratic People's Republic of Korea.

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[Jay]

Liet. General An Ik-san & Maj. General Kim Do-Gyun shaking hands on the North Korean Side of the Joint Security Area
​

Following the success of the Panmunjom discussions the two Koreas would hold rare military talks between the two parties. The situation across the demilitarized zone had gotten tense over the course of the winter following the mass uprisings across the globe. The situation resulted in a near direct confrontation between the two Koreas as the North saw the 1998 Crisis as an opportunity to strike. The State of Alert by the South Koreans was still in place and over a million soldiers were facing off each other at the demilitarized zone with hundreds of artillery pieces and aircrafts prepared to fire off. The Situation had eased during the spring and following the March 31st Declaration the two parties agreed to begin military talks to expand the security de-escalation process. On April 2 the DPRK followed through and withdrew 200,000 soldiers from the Peace Zones established in 1991 and the ROK reciprocated with its own withdrawal. On April 3 when food aid was delivered both sides fully restored the direct communications line established back in the 1990s between two sides at the Demilitarized Zone.

The situation was not de-escalating if the measures may have given that impression. Over three million North Korean soldiers were stationed along the remainder of the Demilitarized Zone and the South had steadily built a series of missile and artillery sites during the process. Aircrafts were being stationed closer to the frontlines. The 1953 Armistice was volatile and both sides uneased by the other. Whether for theatrics or for genuine dialogue the two Koreas agreed to sit down to discuss. A first since the the early 1990s occurring little under a decade earlier. Aside from the situation on the Peninsula, the items to be discussed secretly were Chinese and Japanese. After Russian Intelligence had shared details of the Japanese's projects for colonialism and the recent statements made to Korean officials gave a clear discourse to the South of the Asian Order and vision the Japanese wished to build. For the North, the South's sharing of the colonial project was nothing new, they had long saw Japan as an enemy entity, but, the expulsion of the Koreans in Japan against the North was seen as an affront and further enraged the North.

The two representatives arrived on the Northern Side of the Demilitarized Zone to begin the discussions. With South & North Korean press invited to take photos, they would only be able to take photos at the beginning before going back to publish them. After the formalities concluded, the two Korean representatives began their private discussions with their close staff and diplomats from the Unification Ministry.

Maj. Gen. Kim: "Liet. General An, with regards to the outlined proposal and reductions, we believe the accurate intelligence numbers we should use are those shared in 1991 instead of the current listing. These numbers put approximately 850,000 forces North of the MDL and 738,000 forces South of the MDL. Additionally, between the MDL and encompassing the 25-35 mile radius, between 850,000 and 4,000,000 forces are North of the MDL and between 738,000 and 5,000,000 forces South of the MDL. Based on these numbers on the 1991 declaration and sharing agreement, with that, the proposal for a complete withdrawal of forces along the Peace Zones and a modest withdrawal of 38.6% of troops would leave the area significantly demilitarized in terms of the large concentration of force."

Liet. Gen. An: "Maj. Gen. Kim, the intelligence we have concluded suggests that the actual numbers in terms of 1998 figures is significantly less. In face, any reduction based on the 1991 numbers submitted by the South would not lead to any reductions in fact. While the numbers in 1998 terms for our government are within similar margins. I do not believe the reductions are a fair proposal based on the disparity."

Maj. Gen. Kim: "Perhaps the only disparity is in terms of your intelligence. The numbers have not fluctuated since 1991. We are committed to the 38.6% reductions. Based the disclosure of 1991, which of course was the agreed basis back in 1991. Such an assessment is largely false and likewise, our own intelligence is not factored into these listings."

Liet. Gen. An: "We would prefer to use a standard limit, putting the cap towards some form of conventional disarmament program."

Maj. Gen. Kim: "At this stage, we are not looking towards an disarmament program. On this note, we oppose a standard limit implying some form of parity between the two sides. Proportional limits would be far more suitable to achieve a gradual disarmament on the differing levels of parity...and requires however, an impartial listing of data."

Liet. Gen. An: "This is why the standard limit is more partial. Without accurate numbers, the standard limit imposes a fairer level of disarmament but also troop size locations."

Maj. Gen. Kim: "This implies...rather it requires a monitoring scheme."

Liet. Gen. An: "Seeing as this limit applies to the demilitarize zone only, it would be more easier to conduct this on mutual faith."

Maj. Gen. Kim: "Mutual faith requires trust. We believe the reductions followed with a commitment to not use force by either parties would strengthen the Armistice and avoid any relapses in hostilities. However, all cross border operations must stop as well."

Liet. Gen. An: "Overhead surveillance and atmospheric intelligence gathering must come to an end as well."

After some intense back and forth, the two sides would agree on a water-downed proposal. For the most part, both militaries did not wish for this agreement to be signed. However, the political forces in Pyongyang and Seoul would push the agreement regardless. The nearly nine hours of negotiations and discussions would conclude on an agreement largely based on the previous 1991 articles. With the troop reductions privately agreed, but not binding. Neither side would be able to confirm the other's compliance anyways, and both would be equally suspicious. Still, the situation had changed in tone. The collapse of China had left the North shattered for years, and the rise of Imperial Japan had led to the security of the Peninsula uncertain. Divided, the two Koreas would find it difficult to achieve anything. Unbeknown to the South, the seeds of public anger was brewing in the North, like a field of timber, waiting for a spark.

Agreement on the Deescalation of Tensions on the Peninsula
Reaffirming the principles of previous agreements set forth by the parties including the 1972 & 1991 South-North Joint Communique;
Determined to remove the state of political and military confrontation and achieve deescalation of tensions to allow the facilitation of dialogue;
Determined to avoid armed aggression and hostilities, reduce tension and ensure peace;
Expressing the desire to cooperation to advance the common national interests and prosperity; and recognizing that their relations, not being a relationship between states, constitute a special interim relationship stemming from the process towards reunification agree and pledge to exert joint efforts to achieve de-escalation of the situation on Peninsula;
Hereby have agreed as follows​

Article 1: Reaffirming the principles of the 1991 Agreement, the two sides shall not use force against, each other and shall not undertake armed aggression against each other.
Article 2: Differences of views and disputes arising between the two sides shall be resolved peacefully through dialogue and negotiation conducted by the relevant agencies and shall be done so without the obstruction of foreign powers.
Article 3: The South-North demarcation line and areas for non-aggression shall be identical with the Military Demarcation Line specified in the Military Armistice Agreement of July 27 1953 and the areas that have been under the jurisdiction of each side until the present time and shall not be changed through the means of force.
Article 4: To implement and guarantee non-aggression based on the 1991 agreement, the two sides shall agree to fulfill and complete the set up a South-North Joint Military Commission within three (3) months of the coming into force of this Agreement. In the said Commission, the two sides shall discuss and carry out steps to build military confidence and realize arms reduction, including the mutual notification and control of major movements of military units and major military exercises, the peaceful utilization of the Demilitarized Zone, exchanges of military personnel and information, phased reductions in armaments including the elimination of weapons of mass destruction and attack capabilities, and verifications thereof.
Article 5: A telephone hotline shall be installed between the military authorities of the two sides to prevent accidental armed clashes and their escalation and shall be always manned.

After the agreement had been signed by both parties, they would invite the press to take photos before they were moved. The two governments hoping to show a face of some level of cooperation would publicize the security agreement meeting. Hoping that it would have some positive effect for both states, and for the North to achieve some global assistance in its growing crisis as a 'facilitator of peace'. After the photos were taken, the media would be let out. The non-essential staff would leave the room as the two officers discussed the situation in Japan.

Maj. Gen. Kim: "As you aware aware Liet. General, the situation with Japan has become quite concerning. Our first indication of concern occurred with the restoration movement of the Meiji Constitution and powers of the Emperor. Based on this, the NIS began to monitor Japanese public media outlets for further intelligence, human intelligence has been limited. The Imperial Japanese Government has continued to list Dokdo as apart of their territory, and has made some veiled threats against Korea in the form of escalating their illegal claims. The Russian intelligence shared has indicated colonial ambitions of Japan against Russian territories in the Far East. Including disputed islands. This of course with the political breakdown has given us ground of concern."

Liet. Gen. An: "The Great Leader has always condemned the Imperial Japanese and their veiled image of democracy. When it comes to the situation of Dokdo, we only recognize it as a territory of Korea, and that being the DPRK. We condemn Japan's violations of the sovereignty of the Great Korean people. Neither do we share any good will following their actions against our people. The Great Leader stresses to the South not to interfere in this regard. We share this concern of an imperialist Japan and the risk it poses to the region. We believe the great communist brothers and the will of the Korean people will triumph over the imperialists."

Maj. Gen. Kim: "The intelligence was a curtesy...It will not be shared with anyone else. The President hopes this is clear. We believe it is becoming evident...the division...is providing an exploitable situation for foreign powers. I hope that you will not let others exploit you."

Liet. Gen. An: "Well, we all know your regime was in bed with the American Capitalists for a long time. I would advise you not to let the situation be exploited. Peace has been maintained since the withdrawal of the Americans. The Great Leader hopes you will ensure they are never returned. With their return, the only relationship will be that of conflict."

Maj. Gen. Kim: "Do not think because the politicians want us to do something, we share the same sentiment. We will be watching you closely still."

Liet. Gen. An: "As I expect...the sentiment is the same."

The two officers would stand up and leave the conversation at that. The South Koreans would return to the South while the Generals in the North moved to discuss how to best implement their portion of the agreement. For all their hard talk, they needed the cash and the Great Leader had made it clear they needed to get that money while giving up little. Even if the military superiority was in the favor of the North, the resources and money were in the South.

 

[Jay]

​

As the inter-Korean summit drew closer, a final venue had still not been chosen. The issues persisting over security arrangements and the optics were being flushed out. The North also wanted further aid concessions before coming to the summit. The South was letting the crisis cripple the North further and further and itself slowly limiting its aid provided. A constraint badly damaging the North. Rumors of rebellions and protests had escaped the closed regime with news reaching Seoul about the acts of anger over a currency reform that was driving popular protests. The NIS had reported a major upset in major towns had occurred against party locations and the army had been unable to stop them initially. The success of this small protest indicated a possible break. One the South would not let go to waste. For once, the ROK Army, NIS, Blue House, and Opposition were in sync...unification was possible. If the North had thought they were coming to negotiate a bloodline for themselves, they were purposely misled by the South. The South Korean negotiators had slowly extracted information from across the delegations and was well aware of the situation in Pyongyang about the elites who had signaled their intentions to support reunification if they kept their assets and wealth. Even the army was coming to the South to negotiate some form of agreement to keep the top brass out of the cutting board. General Hwang had made it known, he would fight to the death if the South threatened him, but, would be willing to remove himself from the equation if he was protected and his wealth safe. He had known well that the Chairman was after him and would not hesitate to slide him out into the hands of those to face justice. Still, it was not like things were merely a carefully orchestrated plan by the South. The inter-Korean summit was the opportunity to offer what would be the most comprehensive agreement on unification. The rise of imperial Japan had been a warning to the two Koreas, divided the two would be crushed and enslaved again. The fall of China meant the North was very much on the verge of collapse and unable to rely on a patron to sustain itself. The failures of the 1998 communist uprisings in Russia had led many to lose hope in the return of the communist global front. All things align in the end. As master Confucius said, "The Path is not far from man. When men try to pursue a course, which is far from the common indications of consciousness, this course cannot be considered The Path.”

In Pyongyang a South Korean unification ministry team arrived for their last meeting. The senior level officials had been accompanied by NIS operatives and health officials that were studying the supreme leaders health during the discourse. They had noted some fatigue and bodily discomfort. The South Koreans would arrive early in the morning, their movements tightly kept as they were hurried from place to place. As they flew over, the darkness that gripped the country was a strong allegory to the darkness within the country, where the burning spirits were slowly building. The South Koreans greeted Kim Jong-il respectfully as they sat down to discuss the summit. His restless insistence on Pyongyang was adamant and respected by the Senior Negotiator. The negotiations dragged on, but, eventually, after much tiring, the South agreed to the idea of hosting the summit in Pyongyang. The South would be able to bring a large team of security personnel, but the principle security force would be the North's state security forces. The South Koreans managed to put the reunification discussions back on the agenda and that would dominate two days of a week long summit. Of course, the South would also have to increase the financial contributions it was making. Inside the negotiation chambers, the Chief Negotiator, Cho Myounggyon and the Supreme Leader sat down together privately for a brief time. The South Korean invited for lunch as the Supreme Leader looked at him. Wondering what the South was up too. He wondered if they were behind what was happening in his country...paranoia has been getting to him. He didn't have many cards to leverage, neither was his mind working properly...something was clogging him...an invisible pain engulfing his bodies at times. The Supreme Leader looked at the Negotiator and the large treaty in front of him. Staring deeply into the eyes of the South Korean. "Will you really let me keep my money and assets?" Taking off his shaded glasses as he looked at the South Korean. "President Kim agrees...as long as you stay out of politics...and hand over the documents we requested." The Chairman motioned for the South Korean to leave him. The Chief Negotiator getting up and walking out of the room as beloved chairman looked at document. "If only we could hold on longer." Looking at a portrait of the eternal President that hung in the room.

 

[Jay]

​

As night set across Buenos Aires, the South Korean President went to sleep in his lodging. Outside the premises the Argentine Federal Police and Korean Presidential Security Service patrolled the area and monitored the accommodation. The floors above and below the President were cleared and reserved by the Koreans while the Korean ministers and delegation were spread across the area. The Presidential staffers and senior officials were completing last minute discussions on the bilateral agreements for Science and Economic cooperation with a major effort to push to expand Korean access to the markets in Argentina. Back in Seoul, Deputy Prime Minister Park and the NSC would meet to discuss the situation in North Korea. The rise of the protests was a concern, and the Ministry of National Defense had put its armed forces on a state of alert. The President was woken up for the briefing, it was close to four am in Buenos Aires. The P.S.S. brought the secured communications device to the President as he was dialed into the Deputy Prime Minister's line. National Defense Minister Park and NIS Director Suh were also on the line. The President cleared his throat as he moved away from the room as to not disturb his wife. Taking the call.

Park Mujin [Deputy Prime Minister]: "Sorry to disturb you this early in the morning Kakao. The situation is concerning. We've reviewed the images and as far as we can tell, it seems that there is a lot of anger. The President put on his glasses as he looked at the images the Korean NIS and Air Force had taken showing some large crowds gathered."We do not have any intelligence if the military stepped in to put them down. But. We anticipate it is only a matter of time till that happens."

Kim Daejung [President of Korea]: "Minister Park, how bad do you think it is, will it affect the summit?" The President asked as he saw the photos in greater detail and the numbers were quite staggering considering such actions were unthinkable in the North.

Park Mujin [Deputy Prime Minister]: "If they continue to grow the NIS believes Kakao they will be possible destabilizing. The anger has spread beyond the regions meaning that the GRB and military couldn't close the roads in time. If word is spreading, it may only be a time before they are forced to crush it. We have unconfirmed reports of executions of ring leaders, but, the regime is backtracking and repealing its reforms which we suspect caused the outburst."

Kim Daejung [President of Korea]: "Has Chairman Kim responded to our offer. Does Presidential Secretary Cho have any news or updates to provide on the talks in Pyongyang. Has the Chairman given any indications or formal addresses?"

Park Mujin [Deputy Prime Minister]: "Kakao, the Chairman still has not responded, however, we're waiting to see what happens. I am sorry Kakao. We will work harder to see what we can do."

Kim Daejung [President of Korea]: "It is alright Minister Park. We can only let time and destiny do their course. When the Chairman responds, the Chairman responds. It does not matter how slowly we go so long as we do not stop."

Park Mujin [Deputy Prime Minister]: "Yes Kakao. Thank you for your wisdom."

The South Korean President would end the call after they took a little time to discuss the situation ongoing with India and Russia. The President had some tea delivered and sat near a balcony, the window of course closed and protected from ballistics. He was updated on the situation in Mumbai and the growing popular crowds. While he wanted to support the Government, the President was increasingly concerned that the GA's mission may turn violent against civilians and drag the assembly into a dark chapter. That and the pressure in Seoul was mounting for Korea to act more assertively to secure the humanitarian mission. The President would be in a tough bind as he had to delegate the negotiations to Director Moon. He got back in bed and was woken up two hours before the Summit with the Argentinian President. The President would get ready and his aides preparing his attired and clothes. His Security and Defense Secretary sat in the small sitting area of the room waiting for the President. Updating him on possible security cooperation between Argentina and Korea. After getting ready the two talked over a small breakfast. There was about thirty minutes until the summit and the President would get up, as he got up a phone call would come through from the Blue House. The President would have a staffer answer it and let them know he was on his way to the summit. The staffer who picked it up would franticly put it down and rush out, almost screaming to the President who was at the elevator to come back. He scream would first catch the attention of the P.S.S. agents who surrounded the President, before they saw the staffer motioning for him to come back. Saying it was the Chairman. The President rushed back and picked up the line. They were patched into the call with the North via the secured communications device. The Chairman perhaps had not known the President was in Buenos Aires, but the 12 hour time difference meant he couldn't disturb the President's sleep schedule.

Kin Jong-Il [General Secretary of Worker's Party of Korean, Supreme Leader of North Korea]: "President Kim. I want to sign the unification agreement. I don't have any reason to trust you. But. I will agree to your treaty as long as you keep your promises."

Kim Dae-Jung [President of South Korea]: "This is the right think Chairman. I know together a unified Korea will never again be subject to foreign rule. You have my word we will uphold our end of the agreement."

Kin Jong-Il [General Secretary of Worker's Party of Korean, Supreme Leader of North Korea]: "President Kim, you sold us to the Scandinavians hahaha, I just hope you don't sell us out to the Americans and Japanese."

Kim Dae-Jung [President of South Korea]: "A unified Korea is a strong Korea. Where the divisions of the colonial powers are broken. I know we will achieve a lot. Your actions will go into the history books Chairman. You also have my word I will not never stop in my quest for a better Korea for all."

Kin Jong-Il [General Secretary of Worker's Party of Korean, Supreme Leader of North Korea]: "I don't care what you promise. As long as I keep my wealth and assets...and my family is free from persecution." With that the Chairman would end the call. By this stage, the Koreans would be late to the summit, but, the President felt it was worth it. Smiling along the way, his spirits were rejuvenated.

1998.05.12
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Director Moon Jae-in and the South Korean negotiation team would arrive in Pyongyang. Ahead of his New Delhi trip, the Director was tasked with addressing the North Korea issues and head to Pyongyang with another team ahead of the June Summit. They would be given a warm welcome as the regime attempted to display a sense of normalcy and control over the situation. It felt quite weird for the Director to receive such an audience. Greeted by the Party Leadership at the airport and a group North Koreans waving the unified Korean flag and their North Korean flag. Director Moon wondered if it was all just a spectacle or if it was a genuine effort for reconciliation. Nonetheless, the South Korean Director smiled and waved, doing his part. The P.S.S. had used the event as a litmus test, evaluating what they could do and couldn't do as well as how they could protect a principle in the area. After the spectacle, the Director and his team were brought to the Chairman's residence where more guards and armed baracades were erected as if there was an expected fight. Inside, Chairman Kim would greet Director Moon as the the Director joined the Korean negotiation team. They had spent most of the time ironing out the technical side of the agreement. For the most part the Chairman seemed disinterested in the things that did not affect him personally. Leaving that to the discussion of his negotiators who were far more insightful and cooperative. The South Koreans would discuss the use of the new district system, given census data and other highly confidential documents. They would discuss the current appointed governors and see their performance record, making recommendations and notes on who would stay and who would be replaced by a temporary South Korean civil servant. They also went about the important task of disarmament, which required the South to bring 210,000 troops into the North to stabilize it. Any mention of the civil unrest was kept from the South. They discussed the border situation, agreeing that they would quietly move troops around to secure the borders and cooperate over the coming weeks on sharing information.

The two Koreans would move onto the districts to be established, opting to use the old Korean regions existing under the South's 5 northern region command. They set out fiscal appropriations and how to renovate and expand their productivity. A number of local officials would be brought to the South for consultation on policy and visions. The Pyongyang area would have a special designation similar to Sejong City, with what Ministries to move to Pyongyang a major question to be deliberated. The Workers Party would raise the issue of the 1948 National Security Law which would prohibit them from running. A major stickler, but, the South Koreans would reassure them that until the election the 1948 law would not prohibit them. They would have that law sooner or later regardless. After an impasse was reached on asset forfeiture with the Chairman intervening as well, the South Koreans would roll back some aspects of their demands, but hold firm if they would acquire the North's debt they would require concessions. A long back and forth would eventually be resolved. The Director would then offer a special proposal that the Environmental Minister sought to advance. Handing the proposed park, the two sides would find it intriguing and a good break from the heated debate.

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The proposal would extend the DMZ zone, with a peace park to invest in tourism and turn the former boundaries into a cultural site. The ability to generate revenue and also attract tourists and serve as a reminder to future generations their duty to the Korean people in preserving peace and the unity of the Korean people. The proposal would be well received and both sides would agree towards demining to begin immediately. The South Koreans would then move on cultural integrity, the North's cultural staticness and closed-mentality was a goldmine for the South. To revive the dying cultural closeness that the South was facing with the hyper globalization of its society. A large investment was to be made to keep the cultural artifacts in-tact and to allow South Koreans immediate access during the transition. After the cultural discussions, the two Koreas would move onto the new borders as outlined by the treaty. The North pushed to leave the China issue alone in a bid to uphold their friendship, but largely saw it as a mutual concern over Korean rightful ownership of Mount Baekdu. After the discussions were sidelined, the North would simply concede the rights for the South to contest, however, they would not actively push the issue on the Chinese.

Director Moon would see the progress as satisfactory. Leaving the remaining technical aspects to the negotiators, the Chairman and Director discussed privately about the signing ceremony. The Chairman wanted a lot of media attention on him being the driving force and the vision he outlined, Also seeking to have favorable narratives of the negotiations of his compromises for the sake of Korean unity and people. The two discussed the security arrangements and also more personally the Director was given information on his hometown in the North and his family members. The Director would get a chance to meet his relatives. His Aunt was invited to Pyongyang and the Director met with her, he hoped he could bring his Son and wife to Pyongyang next time after reunification. It was a somber moment, wishing her well as his eyes stung as he held back the feeling of tears a little at the sight of his aunt he had been able to see after his family fled during the war. After their meeting, the Director returned to the airport. The status of negotiations was on track for a formal signing. He was updated that an agreement on fire, police, medical, and other emergency services was agreed and the police chiefs and fire chiefs would come to Pyongyang to discuss the situation and be able to plan effectively. The medical services were dire and the picture was not bright. However, the North had a highly trained and educated labor force, which would be crucial. After this update, he had a farewell with the Party leadership seeing him off as he for political reasons returned to Incheon, refueled and headed off to New Delhi.

 

[Jay]

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As the summit was only two weeks away, the South Korean Presidential Security Service was wasting no time for training. Its agents practicing all day long and studying the geography in the North all night. Deploying the necessary assets and units to ensure the delegations safety and wellbeing. Even if the North's security apparatus was strong, they had little trust and anxiety over the inter-Korean summit. Helicopter pilots practiced different maneuvers and simulated training from surface to air missile attacks, man-pad launchers, and small arms fire, while the ground agents drilled quick reactions and vigilance. The Agents with the President in Buenos Aires would work closely with their counterpart back in Seoul to keep up to date and informed on changes.

In Pyongyang, the Escort Bureau of the North Korean Supreme Guards Command was sweeping the different venues and setting very secure and wide cordons. Travel from regions was now firmly secured, even if the words of the mass revolts were known, the movement of materials and persons was heavily monitored and restricted. The city was preparing for the event, and word had spread from the State News Agency and by word of mouth. People got ready for the spectacle and the highly anticipated summit. The South Koreans would also be watching with huge curiosity into life inside North Korea. All the more reason the P.S.S. needed to be prepared, for everything. Whether it was planned or spontaneous, chaos in the North and the death of a Korean official would be an embarrassment the globe would be watching. After the assassination of the Chief Presidential Secretary by unknown agents less than three weeks ago, they were under heavy scrutiny.

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In Pyongyang, the Government wasted no resources to put on a show of stability and wellness to the globe. The Cameras to them free publicity. Most did not know this summit would be the final time the two Koreas interacted as adversaries, and that the two would become one. The North Koreans would set up the diner halls, making sure everything was at highest conditions for their beloved leader. Everyone squabbling to place and set the tables for the Chairman and the guests. Hoping for some recognition and to see their leader.

The South Koreans would cover portions of the financing and resources needed, but, largely the North as the hosting party would be responsible. The Unified Korean Flags were hung and given out to pedestrians to wave alongside the North Korean flag. The South Korean taegukki would not be flown for the obvious political reasons of the two sides. Although, South Korean officials would be wearing the flag lapel.

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In South Korea, Kim Jong-Il would send his daughter to visit the South and finalize the unification treaty. While the South wanted to sign the agreement on the 3rd, the North preferred the ratification take place on the 25th. The symbolism of the end of the Korean War, nearly half a century later. The Two Koreas would advance their discussions on ensuring a smooth transition. South Korean officials were still cautious, they were becoming more aware of the unrest, but, they could not let that drive policy. Aid preparations were made, and stockpiles of food, medical resources, and other necessities were prepared for Operation Plan Dongil. The North Korean Delegation would meet with Environmental Minister Park, the Unification Minister, the Intelligence Chief, and the members of the Millennium Democratic Party.

The delegation would help address the issues that came about of some policy advisors over how to implement educational reform and restructure the social order to relieve the burden on families. A phased approach including allowing freedom of movement and educational incentives through debt-forgiveness for those in the educational field for 2 years of working in the North, while also offering to reduce conscription times for teachers doing their military service for 3 years of working in North. The integration of the two societies relied on education and demobilizing the North's Army meant that manpower and men would return home. This would help the family unit rekindle with the devastation of the North's 25 years of conscription.

The South would begin meetings with North Korean officials expected to stay on their job, vetting and conducting background checks. The Five Committees of the Northern Provinces would be invited and those replaced by North Korean Officials would be expected to resign. The South Koreans would be given an initial list of selected members of the Worker's Party of Korea to participate in the Korean National Assembly, reviewing the list. Removing a handful for their role in facilitating attacks against South Koreans and after a number of back and forth finalizing the list. Although officially an internal matter, the South was very keen on ensuring the stability of Korean Democracy during the transition.

Electoral official began setting up election offices and positions to be filled in the North, with a major effort on democratic literacy and education to be undertaken. Joining the two systems was a massive cultural task and the Ministry of Education was expecting to invest a large amount of resources and funding into the North. North Korea's education system was not weak or rundown. in fact, it had a large network of strong educational institutions. Bringing about the philosophical change would require effort, real knowledge is to know the extent of one's ignorance, and beating ignorance was crucial. Confucius's wisdom rings true to this day. As the final meeting was closed, the South Koreans finished with a proverb, Be in harmony yet be different. As the two Koreas prepared for the new future forward whatever it may be.