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China Chooses! - CCTV Presidential Debate

Zebra

GA Member
Jan 11, 2024
34

8b5389241a2b5ddf085b919f691a04b3

Good evening China!

You are watching a special CCTV-13 broadcast aired on all CCTV channels for the first ever official Chinese Presidential Debate. Based on criteria agreed upon by the campaigns of all officially registered candidates, four candidates reached the threshold required to be eligible for the debate. The remaining 5 candidates will have their own separate debate on CCTV-13 tomorrow at 8. The candidates present today are Acting President Ming Yi for the Republican Party, Li Keqiang of the Communist Party, Zhu Bo-Guo of the Kuomintang and last but not least Tso Chun from the Jiusan Society. I am your host and the debate moderator for today, Chang Shui. The debate will consist of five stages. In the first stage each candidate will be allowed to make a brief statement explaining why they are running for Office and why you should consider them, for the second and third stages we have collected questions from you the public through our website. In the second stage questions five questions each hitting on a key policy area will be asked of every candidate. In the third stage each candidate will receive three questions. In the fourth stage the foreign press will be allowed to ask questions of one or more candidates. In the final stagethe candidates will be allowed to make a final brief statement.

Being the first elections for a democratic national government on the Chinese mainland in the history of the Chinese state, much is at stake as the still very fragile Republic seeks to leave its mark on Chinese and global history. The people will decide whether they want to continue on a path of democratization and liberalization or if they want to to stay with the way things have been.

I now open the floor for the candidates initial statements, please begin President Ming.

Opening Statements:

Ming Yi: Thank you miss Chang. You phrased it perfectly at the end there. Next month nothing less than the future of the Chinese state is at risk here. Do you want to see us return to the ways of the corrupt Communist dictatorship of my colleague Mister Li or the nationalist dictatorship of my colleague mister Zhu, or do you want a government that was formed by the people, is chosen by the people and works only for the people I offer. In the past few months we have taken radical steps to increase popular representation, we have freed political prisoners and we have embarked on a process of truth and reconciliation with the goal of creating a Chinese state not held together by force but by the true will of all our peoples. If you choose to make my Acting Presidency a definite one I will work tirelessly to turn the Republic of China in the brightest torch for democracy, individual liberties and collective prosperity in the world. Freedom and the creation of a classless society cannot only go together, the one cannot exist without the other.

Li Keqiang: Thank you for this platform, miss Chang. The Communist Party is the only party that has ever fought to protect China. While the Kuomintang and the predecessors to President Ming's party were quick to sell out China like a cheap prostitute to the Japanese and the Americans, we fought to create a free and independent China. We pulled China out of the Century of Humiliation and we created a power that dominated Asia and was the only power that could claim to rightfully claim to stand on the same level as the United States and the Soviet Union. Even now the size and state of our economy is entirely the result of our work. Voting for me is a vote for the only person here tonight who will keep China for the Chinese and not sell us out to the Americans, Japanese or Russians.

Zhu Bo-Guo: Thank you, miss Chang. I do not agree on much with President Ming, but one thing we both agree on is that a return to communism will be the worst thing that could happen to this country since well, the Communist victory in the Civil War. Voting for me means that we will bring about a new and peaceful order but one that places Chinese interests first. We must open up our markets but at the same time we must also send a strong signal to the world. The One China Policy is the strongest deterrent against a new century of humiliation, our claim on the Province of Taiwan is key to our foreign policy and relinquishing it will lose us our other disputes such as the ones with the Koreans, the Japanese and the South China Sea. A vote for me is a vote for a strong military, and a strong nationalist government.

Tso Chun: It appears my colleagues seem to have forgotten I am also here, but I will try not to take offense *laugh*. Thank you, miss Chang. It is clear aggressive rhetoric is something all three of my colleagues share and it is the worst thing China can use right now. To bring about a China for the 21st century we need peace and acceptance in word and action. Voting for me will be voting for a socialist China with a clear popular representation. Internationally we will seek dialogue but remain firm on our international rights, and internally we will create a tranquil and open society where thought can move freely and the concerns of all are taken into account. A vote for the others is a vote for more conflict, a vote for me is a vote for true inner and outer peace.

Group Questions:

Chang Shui: It is clear that the Chinese peoples are spoiled for choice next month. Now we will move on to the group questions. We have chosen five categories; internal politics, the economy, foreign relations, the military and state structure. I will ask one question in each of these categories, the candidates may answer the question in 1 minute statements. We will maintain the same order as we have held in the previous stage and will continue maintaining that order for the duration of the debate. First on the area of internal politics. The Constitutional Assembly has ratified an extensive constitution including extensive clauses on civil liberties, individual freedoms, and democratic rights. Critics have however pointed out that the document largely takes poorly from the US constitution and European human rights treaties while have few Chinese elements. If you were elected would you change the Constitution and if so, how and using which means?

Ming Yi: As Chairwoman of the Constitutional Assembly I will gladly admit that we took extensively from the mentioned documents, and I will also point to the final statement of the Constitutional Assembly that this Constitution was meant as a temporary document to provide order and democratic legitimacy to a transitional government we did not at the time knew would stay in power for how long. The existing constitution was contradictory and useless and going without any constitutional document would have invited lawlessness and power abuse. Upon the commencement of my Presidency and Congress being seated I intend to request both the House and the Senate to create Constitutional Committees to begin the work on creating a permanent constitution and I would want this document to be completed before 2005. Such a constitution should be reflective of the Chinese nation but at the same time provide the same level of guarantees and protections as frankly, our European and American friends have perfected over the past century. It is not a bad thing to echo positive elements from other countries and civilizations. The Constitution is a document by and for the people, I do not believe it is the role of a President to exert influence on its contents. As a proud and patriotic Chinese woman I will say that I want my Constitution to protect my rights, protect my country and encourage the prosperity of both myself and all my countrymen and countrywomen.

Li Keqiang: To me it looks like the Constitutional Assembly asked some computer program to make a constitution plagiarizing the US and European documents and calling it a day. The Constitution is not the source of all power but the reflection of power. It should represent the interests of the people at any point in time and as such should be a flexible document. When I become president I will throw this constitution in the bin and we will start over.

Zho Bo-Guo: While I do not agree with how short and rather glib mister Li's position was, I do agree that the Constitution is nothing without the actual source of power supporting it actively. That is the Chinese nation. I would like to see the current constitution, as admirable as it is, to be replaced by a set of Basic Laws not unlike the United Kingdom's or Israel's. This will still create a legal representation of power but is a lot more flexible than a fixed constitution requiring a lengthy amendment process or multiple committees. I would support a more basic document though that outlines more structural elements such as the nature of the Republic of China, state institutions and similar.

Tso Chun: I would like to take this chance to thank President Ming for the work she has done in guaranteeing even this short period is backed up by a strong legal document. I know we disagree on much but President Ming could have easily used her popularity and power to impose a different kind of dictatorship on the country. Thgat being said, it is clear that this document cannot represent China forever and I support the idea of a parliamentary amendment process to compose a more Chinese constitution. Such a constitution should be flexible enough to go with the times but strict enough that it acts as a true limit on state power.

Chang Shui: Thank you all four, moving on to the economy. Since the end of Civil War the Chinese economy has known decades of a planned economy under Chairman Mao followed by varying degrees of state capitalism under subsequent Chairmen. Even now the system as implemented under Chairman Hu remains as the Transitional Government has intentionally chosen not to modify it pending elections. What policies would you seek for the Chinese economy?

Ming Yi: We are in a unique position where we can look back on centuries of experience with just about every economic system. From the strictest state control to anarchist markets, some place in the world has tried it at this point. This allows us to seek a healthy balance between the different economic forms possible. I believe that the size of our population, the resources available to us, the quality of our education and the positioning of our growing emerging technology sectors give us the power to become the world's economic hegemony within decades. Even the heavily corrupt policies under the Communist Party already saw us rise to the top economies globally. I would seek a policy where the state exercises authority in sectors vital to our security such as the food supply, defense, and core infrastructure while allowing a free hand in most other sectors. I would seek to privatize state corporations in sectors where state control makes no sense and sell our shares in companies where prior laws required us to have them. While I do not like direct state control as it strangles innovation, I do support measures that encourages such innovation. As such I will propose and support a line of measures designed to support new companies and entrepreneurship in sectors likely to become essential to the world economy and ones that already are. China produces the smartest people in the world. No matter which innovative company it is, if you look beyond their country but at the actual people working there most of their innovators are Chinese. Our policies have scared away our best and brightest. We need to draw them back and give them a future here worth innovating for.

Li Keqiang: While the past few decades of liberalization have allowed for more wealth to enter the country, this wealth has not benefited the Chinese people at large. Instead of further embracing open markets we should dial back on the process and reintroduce more central planning. That way we can use our innovation and economic prowess to improve the lives of all Chinese people and not just the ones at the top. I strongly believe in having our economy develop from the top and am convinced this is the best way to get our country ready for the economic challenges of this new millennium.

Zho Bo-Guo: Like our people in Taiwan and our brothers in Korea and Japan, markets are the way of the future. Market economics have allowed the Europeans and Americans to develop their empires, and it has allowed even a country as devastated from war as Japan to for a moment challenge even the world's largest economy. We have ten times the population of Japan, we have more people than Europe and the United States combined. China must embrace free market capitalism without major restrictions if we want to be the world's strongest economy.

Tso Chun: A country's economy must first and above all serve the people, economic growth should never come at the cost of the well-being and prosperity of the people. I do believe that some degree of independence is vital for innovation. Especially in these new emerging markets where the knowledge for central control simply doesn't exist yet. However, there should remain a large degree of central planning. That is the only way we can make economic growth actually be a positive for the people.

Chang Shui: Excellent, now moving on to foreign relations. In recent decades Chinese foreign policy has been built around close ties with ideologically similar states in the form of the communist world and in opposition to ideological and strategic rivals such as the United States and at times even the Soviet Union. Now that the communist world is largely gone and the enemies of the past are much less hostile, how should Chinese foreign policy develop?

Ming Yi: Soon after the Cold War was won by the United States and her allies academics were quick to declare the end of history. Recent years have shown that conflict and international rivalries continue just as they did prior. The Chinese state and our future alliances must be approached from a pragmatic perspective but there should be a place for idealism as well. We are an Asian country and as such close ties with our immediate neighbors in East Asia and the Asian continent at large are essential. At the same time we should foster close ties with any peace loving, human rights respecting and free country in the world. Doing this we can create a barrier against tyranny. In line with this my administration has already begun reaching out to countries such as Russia and Canada and we have been approached by Thailand and Portugal. Into my Presidency I would like to hold on to these ties and expand on them with such states as Japan, Australia, Taiwan and Korea in our immediate area and larger countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, Italy and France. But in general we should be open to everyone who matches our values as a people and a state.

Li Keqiang: China is one of the oldest societies in recorded history and I would argue the oldest still in existence. Our seniority, our size, the number of people we have, our military potential and our economy all make us natural leaders of humanity. Our foreign policy should be built around establishing supremacy in Asia and using that to rally a coalition of nations that share our goals around us that we can then use to establish ourselves as a dominant world power. China has too often let others take charge on global leadership and the rest of the world has always failed. Now it is time for us to rise.

Zho Bo-Guo: It is a bit uncanny how often I find myself finding agreement with my Communist colleague. While I do not think we need to be quite this Machiavellian, I do think Chinese leadership is something the world sorely needs. I would like to see us establishing clear goals for the world and China's position in it and build coalitions around bringing these goals to fruition. The world is an unfair place, idealism is nice but we should be realistic. Never again should we open the door to a new century of humiliation.

Tso Chun: I believe the only thing the Communist Party and Kuomintang are going to achieve like this is getting China on just about every military command's war list. The road of the war hawks is a lonely one and one likely to end with our demise at the hands of a more powerful coalition. The world needs to embrace cooperation, and China can become a leader by actively advocating for cooperative approaches to foreign affairs. For my first term I would like to focus on close relationships with our neighbors in Asia. Once we have secure partnerships in place here we can look beyond Asia and towards establishing China as a more global power.

Chang Shui: Related to foreign policy, and especially with some of your answers to the prior question, is military policy. For most of the 20th century Chinese doctrine has been built around using our superior manpower to overwhelm technologically superior foes. A true quantity over quality approach. While this has worked in the distant past and even somewhat recently against parties such as Imperial Japan and the United Nations coalition in the Korean War as well as the United States in Vietnam, military technology has evolved massively in a way that negates the advantages of quantity. How would your Presidency seek to build the new Republican military.

Ming Yi: The size of our population with always be a vital component of our war capabilities. While in the past this may have been through human waves, in the future this will be through the collective intelligence of our people allowing us to spare lives and win wars by having the technological advantage. Our people are not resources, every soldier that dies in combat is a father or mother, a brother or sister, a son or daughter, a husband or wife. While war should always remain the absolute last tool in our toolbox, when it becomes unavoidable we should make sure that we win it with the least loss of human life. The Republican Military needs to focus on a high level of education and expertise while using the most advanced technology available to it. China already has an impressive military industry, but we still lag in many fields. One of the goals of my administration will be cooperative agreements with other countries to secure access to advanced equipment and use that to create a military that has quantity and quality. Initially we need to have the tools to defend our homeland, but longer term we should seek to be a protector of stability and freedom worldwide, so eventually we also need the ability to project our military. Finally, I also believe in rehabilitating the members of the People's Liberation Army and welcoming back those members who can still be turned back from ideological indoctrination.

Li Keqiang: The decision of Acting President Ming to fire the People's Liberation Army is nothing less than high treason. By doing so she has endangered our national security and wasted a large reserve of expertise and intelligence. My first action will be to welcome the people who were demonized unjustifiably. The next step will be creating a Committee of officers from all branches to begin developing a new military policy for the 21st century that will aid in our foreign policy objectives.

Zho Bo-Guo: While technology is taking an ever increasing role of military importance, we cannot ignore the value of raw manpower. Especially in Asia. Once I enter office I will begin the process of recruiting a million man strong Army. Once we have a ground force capable of defending China and enforcing our will elsewhere, we will begin growing our Air Force and Navy. All of this will run in parallel to the development of new military technology that will act as a force multiplier for our human advantage.

Tso Chun: China needs an advanced and capable military for its defense, but it doesn't need an army capable of world conquest. I believe that a very well trained and equipped but small Army will be more than enough to protect our territory. This force may be strengthened by an air force capable of defending our airspace and a Navy and Coast Guard that can keep enemies and criminals out of our territorial waters. At that point everything else we need is a small force to aid in peacekeeping operations. We should not seek to have a military to settle disputes, that is what international organizations such as the Global Assembly are for. A military larger than what we need for our defense will only tempt us to use it and only add to the avoidable bloodshed of war.
Chang Shui: Now, last but not least for the group questions. Since the dawn of human civilization Chinese governments have sought to establish strong centrally run governments. Whether they were the earliest dynasties such as the Shang, the Great Ming, or even the foreign usurpers in the Yuan and Qing dynasties, central government has always been the approach with a more federal form existing during times when China was divided. How will your administration approach the structure of the state keeping in mind this history, but at the same time reconciling it with the large cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity among the Chinese population?

Ming Yi: While central government has always been the overarching theme of past dynasties, another overarching theme has been tyranny. Some level of centralization is essential, after all without it we won't even be China anymore. We can have centralization without imposing our will from Beijing on the furthest reaches of the Republic. Recognizing that government should be as close to the people as possible we need to embrace local and regional autonomy. The principle of subsidiarity would work well here, where a more central government will only assume those tasks that a lower government cannot handle themselves. Applying that consistently will allow for most decisions to be taken at the municipal level and from there move up in steps so that only the largest concerns will be addressed by the national government. I would like to see regional sovereignty on the level of the United States and even further autonomy for areas such as Tibet and Xinjiang. By allowing the people to rule themselves we can make sure that China will remain united. Not through tyrannical occupation but through the people feeling recognized by their government and themselves recognizing that the government is needed to face challenges they themselves cannot.

Li Keqiang: Once again President Ming is trying to break something that has worked fine for thousands of years. When we were at the forefront of science China was a centralized state, when our ships sailed all the oceans China was a centralized state, when the Roman Empire collapsed China was still a centralized state. Under Chairman Mao, in my opinion the most prosperous time in Chinese history we were a central state. It was communist centralization that ended our century of humiliation, meanwhile federalism and fracturing of our country was what the Europeans and Americans imposed on us to weaken us and begin our humiliation.

Zho Bo-Guo: Local autonomy works well when a country is smaller and less culturally diverse. It is nice on paper but it simply does not work for China. China should be led by a strong Kuomintang government in Beijing, from there this government should have strict authority over the provinces and even autonomous regions. While there should be exceptions to allow local peoples to preserve their culture and language, when it comes to governance there needs to be central authority.

Tso Chun: Once again I find myself in agreement with President Ming. That a federal system has never been attempted in Chinese history does not make it a bad system. There are plenty of examples all over the world where federalism has brought about peace and representation for people, even shortly after civil wars. The Chinese people are diverse but we also have a shared identity, I believe this combination makes a federal approach perfect to build our state around.

Individual Questions:
Chang Shui: Thank you, now we will move on to the individual questions. All of you at home have been able to submit questions for the candidates over the past few days. From the submitted questions the most popular have been picked by our editors to be asked of the candidates directly. We will maintain the same order of candidates as we have done so far.

Starting with President Ming. Recently you made the decision to disband the People's Liberation Army and deprive all those that hadn't defected to the Republican Armed Forces of their position. Critics have called this act vindictive and as an overreach of your power as Acting President. What do you say to people who fear this is only the first example of power abuse and that more is to follow should you be elected?

Ming Yi: To them I say that I understand your concern. China has never known leaders that did not abuse their power. In a way the entire Republic of China has a form of PTSD when it comes to leaders who abuse power. I can outline a long list of reasons why I think I would not follow in my predecessors' footsteps, however the reality is that I cannot say for certain I would not. Absolute power corrupts absolutely. That is why instead I promise I will not let my power be absolute. Had we wanted to we likely could have pushed for a new One Party State. Instead of the Communists it would have been the Republicans and nothing else would have changed. Rather than doing this I pushed for democratic elections, I pushed for a strong legislature and I pushed for my power automatically being reduced after the elections. I did this so you do not need to trust that I will not abuse my power, but that I simply won't be able to abuse it.

Chang Shui: Going by current polls you are almost guaranteed the Presidency, however your Party may not be able to achieve a majority in both houses. If your party must establish a governing coalition, who would you prefer?

Ming Yi: I do not like making plans around polls, so instead I will anwer the question more generally. The Republican Party only has a few positions that it will not move on. Respect for human rights, democratic governance and a mixed market economy. Any party that shares these pillars is a party we can work with. While establishing such a coalition would be a matter for the legislature, as a member of the Republican Party I would ask my fellow party members to take these requirements with them into coalition talks and will almost certainly keep them in mind myself when we vote on a possible coalition agreement at the party conference.

Chang Shui: Much has been said about the future structure of the Republic of China, but one matter of debate that has received little attention is the matter of the capital. Nanjing has historical significance and even contemporary as the home of the democratic revolution. It also remains largely untainted by decades of communist governance, Beijing however has been our capital for much longer and has a much larger population. Other cities such as Shanghai have even larger economies and in many ways would make more sense as the capital. Where do you believe the capital should be?

Ming Yi: In many ways the reason we chose Nanjing was out of security. In the immediate aftermath of the riots and the power struggle it simply made most sense to establish our transitional government here. I do not think a city can be tainted by any specific government. While Nanjing will always hold a special place in China as the home of the democratic revolution, I do believe our capital should return to Beijing. It has the people, the infrastructure and the economy that it makes most sense as the heart of the new Republic of China.

Chang Shui: Thank you, President Ming. We will now move on to the questions for Mister Li. Mister Li, as Party Secretary of Henan Province you ruled an area far removed from central power and the most visible excesses of what many now consider tyrannical government. You are also however known as a close friend of Chairman Hu. What do you say to people who claim you were chosen by your Party not because of any particular ability but because you were one of the only candidates that could not be immediately tied to genocide?

Li Keqiang: Quite frankly miss Chang, I find this a loaded and disrespectful question. I was chosen by my party because they considered me the best candidate in a new China, and I reject the notion that my friends are the criminals you make them out to be. My party has for decades been subject to propaganda campaigns by foreign imperialists. I had hoped we had managed to keep our own people from falling for this propaganda, unfortunately this appears to be one of my party's only failures.

Chang Shui: You claim that the Communist Party is not guilty of the atrocities it has been accused of. Yet already in recent months many now released political prisoners have reported cases of torture, sexual violence, illegal executions and other atrocities. The Falun Gong in particular claim to have been exposed to arbitrary detention, organ harvesting and torture. How do you respond to these claims?

Li Keqiang: I was shocked by them, and so was the leadership of the Communist Party. If these claims are true then a gross crime has been committed agaisnt these people. If elected one of my first steps will be to form a commission to investigate these reports and bring any perpetrators to justice if evidence is found.

Chang Shui: Based on current polls it seems like your Party will not secure a majority and you will not achieve the Presidency. If the actual results echo these polls, do you believe the Communist Party should take up a role as opposition party or support a majority government?

Li Keqiang: While negotiation is something our party is open to, we cannot betray our core values. Based on the polls no coalition government is possible that does not compromise our values. As such I do believe that in such a scenario we should assume our role as the leader of the opposition.

Chang Shui: Thank you mister Li, moving on to mister Zho now. Mister Zho, much has been said about the return of the Kuomintang. Many have pointed out its close connections to the original Kuomintang that was exiled to Taiwan and even in particular the three quarters of your own life that you have lived in Taiwan. Many Chinese citizens believe that the Kuomintang is now a foreign movement that has lost legitimacy as the party for a Republican China. How do you respond to the claims that you and your party act more act foreign agents than Chinese?

Zho Bo-Guo: Thank you miss Chang. For one I will say that I do not recognize Taiwan as seperate of China. In fact the One China Policy is a cornerstone of Kuomintang policy. As a result even if we were agents from the Taipei branch of the Kuomintang it would still not be foreign. I would say that if anything it is the Republican Party who is acting as a foreign agent by President Ming's decision to consider Taiwan independent.

Chang Shui: The second most popular question for you is directly connected to the first. The Kuomintang has been banned for decades and while it used to be the governing party for Republican China, the party has had no mainland presence since 1949. Other parties can point to underground movements that have existed for decades and allowed for a quick party machine to mobilize, however your party has only been able to do so for two months now. How do you address the concerns that the Kuomintang is not ready to govern?

Zho Bo-Guo: Yes it is true that we have long been banned by the Communists. However the ideas of the Kuomintang have never been gone. There is a reason we became the first movement to govern the Republic of China and why we were the largest force against the Communists. We have been waiting in the shadows, ready to return once the time was right. I will also point out that unlike any party other than the Communists we are the only party this cycle that has ever governed a country.

Chang Shui: You maintain a strong attachment to the One China Policy. While the Communists are clear that they pursue integration of Taiwan by force, your own program is less clear on how you plan to achieve integration. How do you envision reunification and the establishment of a true One China?

Zho Bo-Guo: We are not the only ones advocating a One China Policy, even Taipei has never pursued independence as Taiwan. We will seek diplomatic dialogue with Taipei and bring about a negotiated unification of a single Republic of China covering the mainland, the islands, Hong Kong and Macau.

Chang Shui: Thank you mister Zho, moving on to and concluding with Miss Tso. The Jiusian Society was one of the few parties allowed to exist as part of the People's Republic of China. For much of the country's existence you were considered little more than a different branch of the same party. How do you address claims of collaboration and do you consider yourself responsible for atrocities under the Communist government.

Tso Chun: Thank you miss Chang. I am going to be honest here and say some things that even some of my fellow party members will not be happy about. Regardless of how we justified it to ourselves, as one of the eight minor parties we are responsible for the crimes of the communists. While we never had the ability to actually stop atrocities, we added some form of legitimacy to them. We chose to take the role we did as we believed that from inside the power we would be best positioned to defend the interests of the Chinese people as well as we could. I still think our contribution did more good than bad, but yes we do need to accept our role in the past government and face the consequences of those actions. The Jiusan Society will cooperate with any future investigation. Whether it serves to document history or impose justice on those responsible.

Chang Shui: Miss Tso, you are in the unique position that while you are almost guaranteed to not win the Presidential election, the Jiusan Society will likely be large enough that you can act as a kingmaker by providing a governing coalition with a majority. Which party do you feel best aligns with your plans and would you want to support?

Tso Chun: Yes, I would need to be delusional to think I will become President next month. However I do see our role as vital to the democratic mechanisms of our new Republic. There is much overlap with a large number of parties, but when it comes to it I do believe the Republican Party is the closest aligned to our values. Combined with my deep and sincere respect for President Ming, I personally would advocate for the Jiusan Society to help secure her government a legislative majority.

Chang Shui: Connected to the last question, if the current CCTV poll ends up matching the electoral results where President Ming wins the Presidential Election while the Republican Party secures a majority in the Senate and is just short of one in the House of Representatives. If President Ming were to call you to ask for your support in the House, what would you want in return?

Tso Chun: I appreciate the question but I do think we are getting ahead of ourselves here and I cannot entirely disclose my party's negotiating plans. However I would want some percentage of our electoral program become part of the coalition agreement and would want Jiusan Society members be part of her cabinet.

Foreign Press:

Chang Shui: Thank you miss Tso. Now we will move on to the second to last stage of tonight's debate. We have heard the candidates speak, we have heard the people speak through their online questions, now we shall open the floor to the foreign press to ask questions of the candidates as a group or individually.
 
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Bossza007

I am From Thailand
GA Member
World Power
May 4, 2021
2,311
A considerable group of Thai press would signal and demonstrate their desire to raise questions. One of the corresponding journalists would speak on behalf of all Thai press within the room. "Thank you for the opportunity. Given that the Foreign Minister of Thailand is currently flying to Nanjing in the hope to meet with Acting President Ming Yi soon, we believe that allowing us to question first will be most conducive to this debate." She would sit down. Afterward, each journalist from each Thai press would individually raise question:

For all candidate:
Thailand, being a significant player in Asia, values stability and cooperation in the region. How would your presidency ensure stable diplomatic relations with countries like Thailand, and what role do you envision for China in fostering regional cooperation and stability?

Candidate-Specific Questions:

For Acting President Ming Yi:

Thailand has been a key economic partner for China. How do you plan to enhance economic cooperation between our two nations, considering Thailand's influence in Southeast Asia and its strategic importance in regional trade networks?

For Li Keqiang (Communist Party):
The Communist Party has historical ties with Thailand. How do you envision revitalizing and strengthening these historical connections while addressing concerns about human rights and democratic values that may be raised by Thailand and other international partners?

For Zho Bo-Guo (Kuomintang):
The Kuomintang has historical connections with Taiwan, and the One China Policy is a sensitive issue. How do you propose maintaining positive relations with Taiwan while also adhering to the One China Policy, especially considering Thailand's diplomatic ties with both China and Taiwan?

For Tso Chun (Jiusan Society):
Thailand values stability and peace in the region. How does your party plan to contribute to regional security and stability, and what specific diplomatic initiatives would you prioritize to strengthen ties with Thailand in the interest of mutual peace and prosperity?

Zebra
 

Jay

Dokkaebi
GA Member
Oct 3, 2018
2,527
Assuming that the system was based on collecting questions then answering, the Russian press pool would raise their hand and one journalist from the Russian channel Russia Today would ask his question.

"To all the candidates, I would like to ask your long-term vision on Russo-Chinese relations, beyond the sound bites which will be then away from today, do you have any practical goals you wish to accomplish?"

After he put down his hand, another Russian journalist from Izvestia raise her hand and spoke. "For decades Anglo-American and European hegemony has governed the world in a hyper power alliance which has had poor effects on the developing, global south, and non-western world. Do you envision a Russo-Chinese alliance as a counter-weight to Anglo-American adventurism and do you believe that such an alliance is necessary. Will you work towards that goal or do you believe China's future lies within this Western-dominated global order?

Zebra
 

Zebra

GA Member
Jan 11, 2024
34
A considerable group of Thai press would signal and demonstrate their desire to raise questions. One of the corresponding journalists would speak on behalf of all Thai press within the room. "Thank you for the opportunity. Given that the Foreign Minister of Thailand is currently flying to Nanjing in the hope to meet with Acting President Ming Yi soon, we believe that allowing us to question first will be most conducive to this debate." She would sit down. Afterward, each journalist from each Thai press would individually raise question:

For all candidate:
Thailand, being a significant player in Asia, values stability and cooperation in the region. How would your presidency ensure stable diplomatic relations with countries like Thailand, and what role do you envision for China in fostering regional cooperation and stability?

Candidate-Specific Questions:

For Acting President Ming Yi:

Thailand has been a key economic partner for China. How do you plan to enhance economic cooperation between our two nations, considering Thailand's influence in Southeast Asia and its strategic importance in regional trade networks?

For Li Keqiang (Communist Party):
The Communist Party has historical ties with Thailand. How do you envision revitalizing and strengthening these historical connections while addressing concerns about human rights and democratic values that may be raised by Thailand and other international partners?

For Zho Bo-Guo (Kuomintang):
The Kuomintang has historical connections with Taiwan, and the One China Policy is a sensitive issue. How do you propose maintaining positive relations with Taiwan while also adhering to the One China Policy, especially considering Thailand's diplomatic ties with both China and Taiwan?

For Tso Chun (Jiusan Society):
Thailand values stability and peace in the region. How does your party plan to contribute to regional security and stability, and what specific diplomatic initiatives would you prioritize to strengthen ties with Thailand in the interest of mutual peace and prosperity?

Zebra

Ming Yi: Trade is a key interest of the new China. We recognize Thailand as one of the countries that is key to South-East Asian commerce just as we are to East Asia, India is to South Asia and Russia is to Central Asia. Rather than in full free trade the position of my party is one of fair trade. We will be looking to enhance trade relations with all parties in Asia and beyond, in that way there is no specific policy for Thailand that majorly deviates from our general policy. The goal is to bring about lasting agreements among equal partners rather than the economic domination we have so often seen from especially the collective West and other former imperialist powers.

Li Keqiang: The People's Republic of China has indeed before the last decade maintained closer relations with Thailand than they currently are. Our position is one of Asian sovereignty and in that way we are willing to enhance ties. But our sovereignty will not be infringed. China decides its own affairs and its own policies. We will not tolerate foreign meddling in our internal affairs. Anyone willing to work us on those terms we will work with, anyone not willing we can do fine without.

Zho Bo-Guo: There is no China and Taiwan, there is only China and its provinces. Both our own party and our brothers and sisters in Taiwan have the goal of reunification. Going by current polls our brothers and sisters will also soon be governing their land again. We will pursue for peaceful reunification and full integration of Taiwan in a single Republic of China. There will be no other deviations from the status quo prior to the rescinding of the One China Policy by the Republicans until that happens. While we respect Thailand and value our relations, quite frankly your position on this does not change our attitudes as you are not Chinese. For now and forever Chinese will handle their own affairs.

Tso Chun: We strongly believe in a multinational theater of equals. As such we intend to strengthen our diplomatic capabilities first to resolve disputes peacefully. In the longer term we do intend to create a small and highly effective force to be able to engage in peacekeeping and other stability enhancing operations provided a mandate for such is provided by the Global Assembly. In all other affairs we will never consider the use of force and enhance stability and peace by bringing our highly potent diplomatic, economic and demographic advantages to bear.

Assuming that the system was based on collecting questions then answering, the Russian press pool would raise their hand and one journalist from the Russian channel Russia Today would ask his question.

"To all the candidates, I would like to ask your long-term vision on Russo-Chinese relations, beyond the sound bites which will be then away from today, do you have any practical goals you wish to accomplish?"

After he put down his hand, another Russian journalist from Izvestia raise her hand and spoke. "For decades Anglo-American and European hegemony has governed the world in a hyper power alliance which has had poor effects on the developing, global south, and non-western world. Do you envision a Russo-Chinese alliance as a counter-weight to Anglo-American adventurism and do you believe that such an alliance is necessary. Will you work towards that goal or do you believe China's future lies within this Western-dominated global order?

Zebra
Ming Yi: Russia and China are two of the most important countries in the world. The combination of our collective resources, populations, economies, technology and military capabilities would make a closely connected alliance near undefeatable. After all, only the Mongolians ever succeeded in completely occupying our respective nations and they needed a genocide for it. I believe that as long as our two nations don't find each other on opposite sides we will never need to fear imperialism or a foreign occupying power. Because of this, our historically often great relations, and the values your new Russian Federation and our new Republic of China share, close relations with Russia are one of my administration's top priorities. Practically speaking by the end of my term I hope to have developed a durable security alliance combined with a free trade zone, technology sharing and specific cooperation in the field of semiconductor manufacturing, energy, military technology to bridge our shared gaps with Western Europe and the US, and Central and East Asia.

It is obvious that the former NATO powers have sought to use their domination of international organizations to primarily benefit their own interests. While their power has weakened in the past decade, the traces of their past activities are undeniable. As long as we operate in their domain China and Russia will never be able to reach our full potential. And South America, Africa and the rest of Asia certainly never will. I believe that Sino-Russian cooperation is essential to create a lasting global order where each nation is truly equal and where the rules are made by all for all. The goal here is not to create a new Cold War or replace the current order with a new one dominated by us. Instead the goal is to give everyone a fair chance. As such it is vital that when creating this new order we involve both those nations historically disadvantaged and those who took advantage. That is the only way we can create an order that is truly working in the interest of the billions of people that call this planet home and how the thousands of languages and cultures can be protected.

Li Keqiang: Back when the entire world was against us, the Soviet Union was the only country that stood by us. While I realize your government is no longer the one that helped us and more likely would have been united with the forces fighting us, I also recognize that the Russian people are still the same at heart. Because of that heart I believe strong relations remain a possibility. The only thing I will agree with Acting President Ming on is that developing those relations will be the primary foreign policy goal of my administration. My practical goal is to make this relationship as close as it possibly can be but how close that is will also depend on your own government.

The West has only brought pain and suffering to the world, and they have exported their barbarian habits to their cronies in places such as Japan. We will need a strong Russia-China alliance to dismantle their tools of oppression and establish a multipolar order where the nationstate is the top priority.

Zho Bo-Guo: Russia and China are highly complementary. You have a large amount of resources and historically developed far-reaching advanced technologies, we have an incredible industrial base, large population, and are one of the most innovative countries in the world. Combined with the fact that by now we can both be considered ancient civilizations that have often worked together, I would say there is nothing that we can't do if we're working towards the same goal. Turning this soundbite into concrete policy, I would like to see extensive military and economic cooperation combined with cultural and technological exchanges.

I do not necessarily think that the institutions the collective West have created are inherently bad, while I agree there needs to be balance and that a strong China-Russia alliance can provide such balance, I do not think we need to dismantle what already exists. Instead we need to work together with the West and reform the international order to one that makes sovereignty the highest consideration but preserves that which already works.

Tso Chun: It appears all four of us agree that Russia and China are almost perfectly matched. Our weaknesses are your strengths and vice versa. As such cooperation is one of those cases where 2+2 isn't four or even five, but sooner ten. In our party program we have dedicated a chapter exclusively to Russia unlike any other party in this election, and it echoes the goals already outlined by President Ming. We want close cooperation in every area and will commit our diplomatic force to getting as close those goals as the Russian government and people are willing to go.

The Jiusan Society does not consider the Western order as inherently bad, while they have often used their tools wrongly and with the goal of pushing their interests many of their institutions and treaties are in theory not bad. Instead of overthrowing this regime I would like to see a cooperation between Russia and China, but also other rising powers as India and Brazil to work within these institutions and use our power to make sure the tools are applied fairly and evenly. If the West rejects these efforts, they would be dismantling their own power and save us the effort of doing so.
 

Zebra

GA Member
Jan 11, 2024
34
Assuming those were all the questions from the foreign press the cameras would turn back to the moderator.

Chang Shui: Thank you to the foreign press for your contributions to this debate. As we live in an increasingly global world the results of an election in what is now the world's largest democracy has lasting effects not just on China but in fact the world, as most of the questions appear to have reflected. I will now move on to the final stage and give the candidates each one final minute to tell us why the people should vote for them.

Ming Yi: Thank you, both to you Miss Chang and the foreign press for a well organized debate, and my fellow candidates for their lively engagement. No matter who wins, the Chinese people will have won. To the people of China, as you walk into that voting booth two weeks from now on December 31st I ask you to think of what China you want. Do you want a China that fosters innovation while protecting society's weakest, do you want a China where anyone can rise to any level regardless of birth, or regardless of any feature or characteristic beyond their control, do you want a China that seeks to cooperate with everyone internationally but at the same time maintains a strong force against anyone who would seek to take advantage of any perceived weakness, do you want a China that has turned against extremism and fights for an open and progressive society? If your answer to all of these questions is yes then vote for me and your Republican Party candidate.

Li Keqiang: If anything has become clear these last few hours it is that if you want a China that sells itself off to the highest bidder as some cheap prostitute, you should vote for them. The Communist Party has protected and cared for you for nearly sixty years, and with your vote we will add another sixty and many more to that. Show these foreign puppets that you will fight for a China that rejects foreign imperialism, neocolonialism, and capitalism. We have protected you for sixty years, now we need your help to return and keep protecting you.

Zho Bo-Guo: Like President Ming I would like to thank all of you for your contributions tonight. The Kuomintang is the original Republican movement, it is the original party for the Chinese people, and it is the original party that placed Chinese interests first. A vote for us is a vote for a strong China, a China that recognizes its roots and preserves its history, a China that works cooperatively to keep the world free, a nationalist China. We will never abandon you.

Tso Chun: I also would like to thank everyone for tonight. We all have an idea of what the perfect China would be, but now the choice is yours to decide which image of China you identify with most. A vote for me and the Jiusan Society is a vote for social-democracy, strong education, a peaceful global order and war only as a defensive tool. Voting for us means you vote for an age of peace, prosperity and freedom. We will always have your best interests at heart and work to defend them every chance we get. Whether we are in the government or opposition.
 

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