Izvestia

[Jay]

 

[Jay]

In a recent diplomatic setback, Thailand finds itself on shaky ground with Russia following the contentious sale of ten Gepard ships to Canada, originally purchased from Russia in 1997. The transaction, which took place in 2003, has drawn criticism from Moscow, alleging that Thailand violated the terms and conditions set by Russia's export consortium, Rosobornoexport.

Sources close to Rosobornoexport's chief financial office revealed that the Russian company had extended an olive branch, offering to repurchase the ships at factory price. However, Thailand opted to proceed with the sale to Canada, disregarding Russia's concerns and triggering a diplomatic spat.

The situation escalated when Russia applied diplomatic pressure on Canada, urging the rejection of the deal. Despite these efforts, Thailand attempted to forcefully deliver the ships to Canada, further straining relations between the countries. Canadian officials allegedly rejected the deal upon learning the nature of Thailand's actions. These events led to the Thailand-Canada Diplomatic Crisis which saw hundreds of Thai navy servicemen sentenced in Canadian courts for sailing armed warships into Canadian waters.

Insiders within the Prime Minister's office, speaking anonymously, disclosed that Thailand dismissed the latest Russian offer to resolve the issue, leading to the country being placed on an export-control list for military and dual-use items. This move reflects Russia's displeasure with Thailand's failure to address the matter through diplomatic channels. Russian officials are dismayed with Thailand's actions and appear to be closing the diplomatic avenue in pursuit of other potential recourse.

Rumors are circulating that Russia's Foreign Ministry is considering strategic measures to penalize Thailand for its perceived rogue actions. The fallout from the ship sale appears to have caused significant damage to the diplomatic ties between the two nations.

Amidst the escalating tensions between Russia and Thailand over the controversial Gepard ship sale, American expert on Russian statecraft, Dr. Elizabeth Turner, warns of potential Russian counter-actions that could further strain diplomatic relations in the region. Dr. Turner expressed concerns about the possibility of Russia expanding its espionage activities as a response to Thailand's perceived defiance. She highlighted the sophistication of Russian intelligence agencies and their historical inclination to retaliate through covert means.

Furthermore, Dr. Turner touched upon the potential expansion of Russia's cooperation with Myanmar, a regional adversary of Thailand. She pointed to previous accusations of Russian support for Myanmar during their border skirmish, adding that Moscow might leverage this relationship to exert pressure on Thailand. Russian assistance may have been crucial in helping Myanmar thwart Thai incursions into the country.

The Dr. Tuner emphasized the need for vigilance and strategic preparedness on the part of Thailand, urging the government to anticipate and address these potential counter-actions effectively. Dr. Turner cautioned that the situation could have broader implications for regional stability if not handled with diplomatic finesse. Following a series of failed Thai border incursions against neighboring Cambodia and Myanmar, it is likely Russia's GRU will be able to exploit regional insecurity with Thailand's activities to undermine Thailand's regional hegemony.

There is still the possibility that Russia might take the case to the International Court of Justice (ICJ). The move, if pursued, could signal a more measured response from Moscow and possibly reflect a shift in decision-making dynamics within the Kremlin, particularly since the ascent of reformist candidate Boris Nemtsov to power after the 2000 Presidential Elections.

International legal scholars are closely monitoring the situation, with some speculating on the potential implications of Russia seeking redress at the ICJ. In a statement, Dr. Catherine Martinez, an scholar specializing in private international law, commented on the significance of such a move.

"If Russia decides to bring the Gepard ship dispute to the ICJ, it could be interpreted as a more diplomatic and legalistic approach compared to other potential retaliatory measures. This choice might suggest a shift in the Kremlin's decision-making process since the presidency of Boris Nemstov, marked by a more pragmatic and internationally engaged stance," noted Dr. Martinez.

The ICJ, with its commitment to settling international disputes through legal means, could provide a forum for both Russia and Thailand to present their cases. An advisory opinion requested by Thailand and ruled in favor of Rosoboronexport, the Russian export consortium at the center of the controversy, may embolden Russia's resolve to pursue legal avenues. The Court sided with Rosoboronexport that the Gepard ships were equipment for the purposes of its terms and conditions, rejecting Thailand's main argument.

Russia's case would likely benefit from a previous ruling by the ICJ despite it being non-binding. Since Thailand would have no legal arguments to support its case in light of the court's persuasive argument in its decision. Nonetheless, a question remains what type of relief Russia will seek, and if it can enforce the court's judgment, a serious problem in the past.

A potential ICJ case would not only offer a platform for a comprehensive examination of the contractual and legal aspects of the Gepard ship sale but could also indicate a departure from more confrontational tactics. However, it is more likely that Russian official will use a mixture of responses including legal avenues, asymmetric operations in Southeast Asia, and diplomatic pressure to retaliate against Thailand.

 

[Jay]

In a groundbreaking gesture, Russia has announced a sweeping multi-billion dollar investment initiative, spanning high-speed rail (HSR), mining projects, arms development, and the innovative Russian Digital Citizen Project. The grand plan aligns with the ongoing talks between the Law and Justice (ZiS) and Civic Platform (PO) parties, aiming to forge a coalition agreement that prioritizes strengthening foreign policy security, restoring the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS), reforming the Russian Armed Forces, and launching an extensive infrastructure investment project.

The Law and Justice and Civic Platform parties are engaged in crucial coalition talks, navigating a delicate path towards a unified vision for Russia's future. The coalition agreement, with its emphasis on foreign policy security, restoration of the CIS, armed forces reform, and infrastructure development, reflects a shared commitment to addressing pressing national and international challenges.

The Law and Justice Party, a right-wing Conservative Party, made significant gains in the 2003 legislative elections and became the largest party in parliament. The Civic Platform, which President Boris Nemtsov is apart of, lost its majority following the elections. The two parties entered into a coalition partnership seeing the ZiS taking a significant number of ministerial portfolios including Prime Minister's office.

The coalition agreement encompasses various concessions, notably an increased focus on rural development, reinforced federalism, and the implementation of a more radical military overhaul package, a key aspect of the ZiS campaign. On the other side, the Civic Platform has outlined its foreign policy objectives, emphasizing the restoration of the CIS. Additionally, the party aims to formulate a comprehensive economic recovery plan while advocating for heightened civilian oversight on intelligence services and increased accountability.

The potential ramifications of this coalition on Russia's political landscape and its impact on global affairs have already been felt. The multi-faceted investment plan, coupled with the coalition's ambitious agenda, sets the stage for a transformative chapter in Russia's trajectory, with far-reaching implications for geopolitics and national development. Stay tuned for further updates as the coalition agreement takes shape, and Russia charts its course into a new era of strategic and economic prominence.

Already a renovation of the country's high-speed rail network is underway. A cornerstone of this strategic investment is the development of a state-of-the-art high-speed rail network, propelling Russia into a new era of transportation connectivity. The ambitious project aims to enhance domestic mobility while fostering economic development along the rail corridors.

Additionally the country has worked to subsidize the costs of mineral exploitation in portions of the country where the costs of production are extremely high. Russia's venture into mining projects signals a concerted effort to leverage its vast natural resources. The investment is poised to boost economic growth by tapping into the country's extensive mineral wealth, creating employment opportunities and reinforcing Russia's position in global resource markets. The move is set to expand economic opportunities in traditionally underprivileged communities. A key promise by the ZiS to restore the "production belt" of the Federation.

The latest budget included investment earmarked for several defense projects which remain classified. As geopolitical tensions persist, this move seeks to bolster the nation's security and technological prowess on the global stage. The move is set to coincide with an overhaul of the defense structure of the Federation which faces significant challenges following the collapse of the Soviet Union.

Lastly, Prime Minister Kuzmina has long touted the Digital Citizen as a key electoral promise. It has emerged as a groundbreaking initiative to turn Russia into a leader of the 21st Century. Aimed at modernizing public services and fostering a digitally empowered society, this project aligns with Russia's vision for a tech-savvy future. Prime Minister Kuzmina has promised every government function will be available through digital services and that citizens in a digital era should be able to have a digital government that matches them in pace.

The investment plan signals a departure from the past, with a clear emphasis on economic diversification and modernization. Furthermore the efforts to restore the Commonwealth of Independent States indicates a strategic repositioning, combining historical ties with an adaptation to contemporary geopolitical realities. This will likely come with economic priorities for the current government to solidify Russia's economic hegemony over the region.

By allocating funds to high-speed rail, mining, arms development, and the digital citizen project, Russia aims to create a resilient economy less susceptible to external shocks. This aligns with global economic trends and enhances Russia's competitiveness on the international stage. Russia will be able to leverage its competitive advantages against its neighbors to strengthen their economic ties and take leadership in a region it historically ruled directly.

International relations expert Dr. Alexei Kuznetsov shed light on the geopolitical ramifications. "The emphasis on strengthening foreign policy security and the reformation of the Armed Forces suggests Russia's desire for a more assertive role in international affairs. The modernization of defense capabilities positions Russia as a proactive player in an evolving global landscape." Following recent diplomatic tensions with Thailand, as well as global insecurity caused by the Franco-Canadian War, the initiatives will likely be expedited.

Through tying economic, defense, and foreign policy into its a comprehensive plan the Russian Government appears to demonstrate its intentions to not remain quiet in the international arena as one Western Diplomat recently put it. The move will likely culminate with a comprehensive investment, defense procurement, and foreign engagement on the part of the current ZiS-led government.

 

[Jay]

Bangkok, Thailand

Has Thailand's civilian government turned to scapegoating its military leadership to deflect from its own challenges and international scrutiny?

Thailand's political landscape faces a critical juncture as global condemnation mounts over its perceived rogue actions, tarnishing its aspirations on the world stage. Recent judicial proceedings targeting senior military figures have raised eyebrows, suggesting deeper turmoil within the country's power corridors, with the civilian government seemingly shifting blame onto its military establishment.

In a series of legal maneuvers initiated in late 2003, Thailand's authorities have taken aim at senior military officials for alleged violations of international law and diplomatic missteps. These actions, seemingly incongruous, may be construed as an attempt to present a facade of reform, as Thai diplomats seek to rehabilitate the nation's international image.

The military's credibility took a severe hit following armed incursions near Thailand's borders with neighboring Myanmar and other nations. The ousting of the country's Supreme Commander, linked to military interventions in Cambodia, Laos, and an attempted coup in Myanmar, underscored the erosion of civilian command.

Furthermore, Marshal Tiumtundhi's life sentence for involvement in mass bombings during the Fourth Indochina War and violations of human rights principles further underscored the unraveling of Thailand's military hierarchy. Accusations of war crimes against top military officials, juxtaposed with dismissals and demotions over diplomatic and regional affairs, paint a picture of internal strife and power struggles within Thailand's leadership circles.

The crackdown on military personnel, while ostensibly targeting alleged war criminals and negligent officers, raises questions about the government's motives and its commitment to accountability. The selective prosecution of officials and the failure to address systemic issues suggest a superficial attempt to appease international stakeholders rather than a genuine pursuit of justice.

As Thailand grapples with internal divisions and external scrutiny, analysts speculate on the broader implications of the purge within the military ranks. Will ideological realignments reshape the leadership landscape, or will entrenched interests prevail? Observers keenly await the military's response and the potential emergence of a new cohort of leaders aligned with evolving political currents.

However, amid efforts to rehabilitate Thailand's global standing, the recent actions betray a veneer of decisive action aimed at managing public perception rather than achieving genuine transitional justice. The unresolved questions surrounding accountability and restitution for victims cast doubt on the sincerity of Thailand's purported reforms, underscoring the complexities of its domestic and international challenges.

 

[Jay]

Sand and scorching suns. That was the environment Russia's special forces recently conducted exercises focused on desert operations and operability. The exercise took place in the Chara Sands region where Russian forces conducted an eight-day exercise.

"The exercises are meant to ensure the continued capabilities of Russia's special forces and to build up key skills," stated Major Ivan Petrov, a spokesperson for the Russian military. "This is an important part of ongoing modernization efforts by our armed forces and to give our service men and women the skills necessary to be the most effective fighting force on the planet."

Analysts speculate that this maneuver may be indicative of Russia's strategic interests in the Middle East, particularly in light of ongoing discussions within the national security council regarding the modernization of the country's armed forces and the formulation of a comprehensive national security policy.

The timing of the exercise has raised eyebrows, with some observers drawing parallels to the situation in Iraq and Russia's potential preparations for future operations in the region. Russian officials have been negotiating with Iraqi officials since late last year. While Russian officials have not explicitly linked the exercise to any specific geopolitical developments, the attacks in Iraq and Russia's desire to contribute more actively to global affairs are factors which contribute to this latest effort.


Central Asia, in particular, emerges as a potential theater where Russia's military presence could have significant implications. President Nemtovs has invested considerable political capital in rebuilding Russia's sphere of influence in the region, and Moscow may be positioning itself to support its former republics and maintain stability in the wake of the USSR's collapse.

The exercises underscore Russia's commitment to enhancing its military capabilities and maintaining a strong presence in regions of strategic importance. As geopolitical tensions continue to simmer in various parts of the world, Russia's military maneuvers serve as a reminder of the country's role as a key player on the global stage. For his part Major Petrov concluded that "these developments highlight the complex interplay of geography, tactical planning, and skill enhancement that ar necessary for shaping how we engage in operation planning."

Russia's Defense Minister has embarked on Vision 2008 for the armed forces. At the heart of the reforms was a restructuring of the military command structure, transitioning from a predominantly division-based system to a more flexible and agile brigade-based model. This shift sought to improve the mobility and responsiveness of Russian forces while enabling more efficient deployment in diverse operational environments.

Furthermore, the reforms introduced measures to enhance professionalism and combat readiness within the armed forces. This included initiatives to improve training standards, upgrade equipment and weaponry, and streamline logistical support mechanisms. Emphasis was placed on cultivating a more agile and adaptable force capable of effectively countering emerging security threats.

A key component of the reforms was the modernization of Russia's defense industry, aimed at revitalizing domestic defense production capabilities and reducing corruption that has seen poor quality equipment fielded or soldiers forces to buy their own equipment. Strategic investments were made to upgrade manufacturing infrastructure, develop advanced weapon systems, and promote innovation and research in defense technologies.

Additionally, efforts are being undertaken to address systemic inefficiencies and corruption within the defense establishment. Measures such as personnel reductions, budgetary reforms, and increased transparency and accountability mechanisms were implemented to streamline operations and enhance the integrity of defense procurement processes. The Office of the Inspector General was created to monitor spending within the defense sector and complexes for the next five years. The OIG has actively monitored contract decisions, quality control on products sold to the government, and personnel hiring.

The reforms have marked a significant departure from traditional Soviet-era military structures and represented a bold step towards modernization and adaptation to contemporary security challenges. While implementation faced challenges and encountered resistance from entrenched interests, the reforms will lay the groundwork for a more agile, professional, and capable Russian military. President Nemtsov has pressed on and shown his willingness to sack Soviet-era defense officials "incapable of adapting to changing realities".

Russia will continue to prioritize the modernization and enhancement of its defense capabilities, leveraging advancements in technology and strategic doctrine to safeguard its national interests and assert its position on the global stage.

As Russia confronts a complex and dynamic security landscape, the reforms with the goal of Vision 2008 serve as a testament to the country's commitment to bolstering its defense capabilities and ensuring its readiness to address evolving threats and challenges.

 

[Jay]

​

Russian Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin advocates for strategic investment amid global capital crunch

Amidst the bustling corridors of the Economic Forum, Russian Finance Minister Alexei Kudrin found a moment to converse with Izvestia, shedding light on Russia's economic trajectory and seemingly embrace of Keynesian principles in a world dominated by what he calls Hayekian ideals.

Russia's fiscal budget for the years 2004 and 2005 has witnessed a notable shift, with the government turning to bond issuance to fund expansive infrastructure projects. With a proposed budget allocation nearing $162 billion, nearly three times the projected GDP of $54 billion for 2004-2005, Russia is signaling a bold move towards stimulating economic growth through strategic investment. More importantly it seems Russia is expected to be heavily indebted for the foreseeable future.

In an exclusive conversation, Minister Kudrin dismissed concerns over burgeoning debt levels, asserting that "debt is a necessary part of economic development." He emphasized the government's commitment to leveraging debt for strategic investments in critical industries and the revamping of social and public services. This move, he explained, is pivotal for long-term economic growth and national security. He added that governments are always leveraging against debt for economic development.

Addressing historical economic repercussions and Russia's evolving role in the global economy, Minister Kudrin highlighted the need for a recalibration of the prevailing economic narrative. He argued that the current global economic system has tended to favor capital accumulation. Kudrin went as far as to say that "in a global economic system which favors capital and capital alone Russia will never be successful.” He highlighted that “Since the end of the Cold War, wealth has been hoarded in Western Europe especially in Stockholm and London. However if we factor in trade, energy reserves, population growth, and other important indicators then the balance of power shifts quickly back to Russia, China, and the United States.”

He went on to emphasis Russia's wealth and influence should not be underestimated. Pointing to factors such as trade dynamics, energy reserves, and population growth, he emphasized Russia's pivotal position alongside China and the United States. Concluding that "Global institutions are misleading the world about the economic health of our global economy by relying on outdated indicators such as capital reserves to say who is prosperous and who is not."

In a departure from what has been globally conventional economic wisdom, Minister Kudrin stressed the importance of strategic government intervention, particularly in critical industries and areas of national security.He emphasized that “What we are doing is strategic investment in critical industries along with revamping our social and public services. That requires investment and money." He underscored the limitations of private funding in such sectors, emphasizing the necessity of state investment.

Looking beyond Russia's borders, Minister Kudrin called for international cooperation and the empowerment of global institutions to address pressing economic challenges. He advocated for increased access to capital and the formulation of financial regulations aimed at supporting civilian projects, infrastructure development, and economic stimulus on a global scale.

When asked about what should be done specifically he said "we need to increase access to capital to act as lenders, empower international organizations to step in and provide an alternative to domestic debt solutions we rely on, and seriously take an active role in reconsidering its main indicators.

Amidst the prevailing dominance of Hayekian economic principles, Minister Kudrin's articulation of a Keynesian-inspired approach underscores Russia's evolving economic strategy and its readiness to navigate the complexities of the global economic landscape.

Minister Kudrin took a moment to also address other economic challenges. He added that the "market slowdown in Western Europe is a direct result of capital hoarding that has reduced money supply and supported monetary accumulation." He argues that Western Europe needs to take a more credit lending mindset in a period where emerging markets are increasing spending. He said that this shift would allow them to generate returns on their wealth.

He added that there are critical projects ongoing in Thailand, Russia, Portugal, and elsewhere that are stable places of investment. Kudrin emphasized that "the larger the risk the higher the reward" and went on to emphasize that the alternative is a repeat of the Sparrow slowdown. He praised Portugal and Thailand for showing financial creativity and argued that we can all draw wisdom and learn from unexpected places.

 

[Jay]

LIVE...

State Duma Hearing Room, Moscow​

Chairman of the State Duma Dmitriy Andreevich, Social Democratic Party: "Honorable Ladies and Gentlemen, we convene this hearing to address the recent report released by the Federal Security Service regarding Thailand's alleged subversive activities against the Russian Federation. We are honored to have FSB Director Rashid Nurgaliyev here with us. Director Nurgaliyev, you have been allotted five minutes for your opening statement."

Director Rashid Nurgaliyev: “Thank you, Chairman Andreevich and members of the Committee:

Thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today. I am honored to represent the Federal Security Services, an agency committed to protecting and defending the Russian people and upholding the Constitution of the Federation.

In my role as Director of the FSB, I am privileged to lead an organization that works tirelessly to address a wide array of national security threats and criminal activities. Our mission is guided by the principles of national duty, excellence, and integrity.

In addition to the topic of today, I’d like to emphasize the ongoing work of the Service. We are dedicated to protecting our nation’s sensitive information and intellectual property from espionage and other malicious activities by foreign adversaries. This includes efforts to combat threats from state actors and other entities seeking to undermine our national security. In addition, we remain vigilant to prevent terror attacks on our soil and recognize the complex global security challenges that face our near-peer partners, adversaries, and others.

The FSB is at the forefront of addressing cyber threats and attacks. As technology evolves, so do the methods used by cybercriminals. We continue to see everyday advancements by low to middle powers in the field of cyber technology where a new world order is being created and challenged.

I would also like to acknowledge the dedication and bravery of the men and women of the FSB. Their commitment to our mission and to serving the public is unwavering. It is their hard work and sacrifice that enables us to fulfill our duties effectively.

While we face many challenges, the FSB remains steadfast in its commitment to safeguarding the Russian people. We are continuously adapting to new threats and improving our methods to ensure that we stay ahead of those who seek to do harm. I look forward to discussing these issues further and answering any questions you may have.

I also appreciate the opportunity to discuss the recent FSB report detailing Thailand’s actions against Russia. The investigation, which was conducted under the purview of the Ministry of Justice, included significant evidence that the FSB uncovered and acquired. This evidence was critical to proving that Thailand’s Government had been involved in the illegal sale of Russian military equipment to Canada, has sought to rally international support against us, and has employed lawfare tactics to undermine our interests. The FSB is committed to safeguarding our national security and has taken proactive measures to address these threats. I look forward to answering your questions and providing further clarity on these matters.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “Thank you, Director Nurgaliyev for your opening statement. I appreciate your thorough overview of the FSB's current priorities and the challenges you’re facing as well as the openness to discuss the Bangkok Report.”

He pauses to look down at his notes. “I want to begin by addressing the ongoing threat from Thailand. It’s clear from the Bangkok Report and other investigations that Thailand continues to pose a significant threat to our Federatopm. Can you provide us with an update on what specific measures the FSB is taking to address this issue and to prevent any further acts of subversion?”

The Chairman would shift the papers in front of him and look back at Director Nurgaliyev.

“Additionally, maintaining public trust is crucial for the FSB , especially in these times of heightened scrutiny. How is the Service ensuring transparency and accountability in its operations? What measures are being taken to reassure the Russian people that the FSB is acting impartially and upholding the rule of law without any political influence? As has been historically a challenge for the Service and other agencies.

We will now proceed with questions. Members of the committee, please direct your questions to the Director.”

Director Rashid Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Chairman. Let me first emphasize the importance of transparency and accountability within the Service, I want to assure you and the public that the FSB is committed to operating with the highest level of integrity. I hope the State Duma will recognize the sacrifice of the members of our Service who keep Russia safe from the wolves at the gate.

Regarding the ongoing threat from Thailand, the FSB has issued several policy recommendations and has urged the Office of the President to reconsider a number of policy decisions. In addition, we believe it is important that the State Duma enhance our intelligence-gathering capabilities to closely monitor any further attempts by Thailand to undermine our national security.

Second, we are actively engaging with other relevant Russian agencies to ensure that inter-service resources are available and shared. I am ready to address any further questions from the committee members.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “Thank you, Director Nurgaliyev. I have allotted The Honorable Ivan Petrov of Saint Petersburg, ten minutes. The honorable gentleman may begin..”

Deputy Ivan Petrov, Civic Coalition: “Thank you Mr. Chairman. Director Nurgaliyev thank you for responding to our request for a summons and I hope we can learn a great deal from you. Can you provide more details on the evidence related to the illegal sale of Russian equipment to Canada? What steps is the FSB taking to address this issue and prevent further violations?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy. I cannot discuss in a public setting the nature of how our sister agency the SVR acquired the intelligence, however, I can discuss that in a private setting with select members of the intelligence committee.

What I can say is that we have publicly available documents that show Thai intermediaries facilitated the transfer of Russian military technology to Canadian entities. Additionally, we are aware that Canada refused to accept the ships and I believe the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has been in contact with their Canadian counterparts.

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “Thank you Mr. Chairman, however, what steps is the FSB taking to address this issue?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy. I believe that is the responsibility of the civilian government and not the intelligence agency to determine sale policy.”

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “Are you saying this is a sale policy issue and not an intelligence failure to see how Thailand would’ve acted?”
Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy, I believe that the question was worded wrong. I do not have a view on this matter as this is a policy decision by Rosoboronexport in collaboration with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs which approves the sales. I would note that Thailand ordered the vessels in 1997, and that at the time the intelligence community had no indication of its shift in its current direction and…”

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “So you would agree Mr. Director that Thailand is a threat to the Federation.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy I can not specifically comment on the threat Thailand poses to Russia however I…”

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “Why not? Director Nurgaliyev this report,” Ivan says holding it up to the cameras, “Lists the ways in which Thailand has acted to subverted our nation. Why can’t you comment on that?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Deputy Petrov as head of the federal security service, a domestic agency, my goal is to counter domestic threats. At this time I have not seen based on the best intelligence provided to me that Thailand has the capacity to be a threat to our nation.”

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “Can you really just sit here and say that Director, seriously? What the hell is the value of this report then?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Deputy Petrov the report is meant to highlight the threat Thailand poses to Russia’s foreign security objectives, national security interests, and more importantly global peace. I understand that you may not grasp what I am saying but if I can be clearer, at this time the FSB does not see any actions by Thailand to conduct sabotage or espionage operations inside Russia. I believe your question is best suited for the Director of the SVR, Russia’s foreign intelligence service.

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “You are mincing words, Director. Yes or no. Is Thailand a threat to Russia?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy I…”

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “Yes or no.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “No, Thailand does not possess…”

Deputy Ivan Petrov: “That is enough Director. Thank you Mr. Chairman, I yield the remainder of my time.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “Thank you, Honorable Deputy Petrov.” The Chairman said, having watched the ordeal transpire for a while and feeling rather concerned for where it was going. “I…”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Chairman I’d like the opportunity to complete what I was saying in the time remaining?”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “Unfortunately Director the time was yielded and the rules of procedure do not permit me to do so, I apologize. The Honorable Lady Elena Kuznetsova of Moscow is recognized for ten minutes. You have the floor.”

Deputy Elena Kuznetsova, Law and Justice Party: “Thank you Mr. Chairman. Director Nurgaliyev thank you as well. Before I ask my question I’d like to give you the opportunity to finish your previous response. With that said, my question is What is the FSB assessment of the impact of Thailand’s diplomatic efforts against Russia? While I understand you are a member of the intelligence community, can you tell us more about the measures that are being implemented to counteract these diplomatic maneuvers?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Thank you Madame Deputy. When it comes to the threat nations pose to the Federation I believe it is easy, and rather useful for television clipbait, to label everything as a threat. However, that is not how the FSB operates. The Russian counter-intelligence apparatus is built on responding to the realistic threats that nations pose. At the moment, the intelligence shows us that Thailand does not have the capabilities to engage in acts of espionage or sabotage against Russia.

This does not mean that Thailand does not pose a threat to the Federation in other domains. However, rather than speculate I speak where the facts give me an answer. In this case, no, Thailand is not a threat to Russia at the moment. There are domains however where Thailand continues to make advances alongside other middle power states. These are areas of which I am happy to discuss behind closed doors.

As per your question, the FSB’s assessment at the moment is that Thailand has limited geopolitical capital due to its erratic policymaking. Lack of accountability, deep state actors, and hawkish policy have dissuaded potential partners. However, Thailand continues to make diplomatic gains in New Zealand, France, Poland, and other global players. This is something we have been informed by the SVR and continue to support in monitoring concerted efforts to undermine Russia’s national security.

We have identified several countries where Thailand has sought to influence policy against Russia however these attempts were a failure. I would direct any additional questions to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs”

Deputy Elena Kuznetsova: “Director Nurgaliyev, you mentioned that Thailand's erratic policymaking and unreliability has led to dissuasion from potential partners. In light of this, could the very unpredictability and unreliability of Thailand’s governance actually pose a greater threat to Russia in terms of creating instability or unforeseen consequences? If so, how is the FSB preparing to address and mitigate any potential risks that arise from such erratic behavior?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Madame Deputy, I would say that it is important to distinguish Thailand’s capabilities when it comes to its ability to undermine Russia’s security. I believe that this level of poor governance is a reason for concern. However, I think it just means we must be extra vigilant and take proactive steps to contain and limit their nefarious activities.”

Deputy Elena Kuznetsova: “Thank you, Director, I yield the remainder of my time.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “The Honorable Lady Natalia Ivanova of Moscow is recognized for ten minutes. You have the floor.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova, Social Democratic Party: “Director Nurgaliyev, while the FSB’s report is concerning, some might question the validity and completeness of the evidence. How can we be certain that the report fully captures the extent of Thailand’s subversive activities?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Our report is based on comprehensive intelligence gathered through various channels, including various intelligence sources and other classified methods. We ensured the accuracy and reliability of our findings through a verification process that has continued to serve our agency well. I can assure you that our conclusions are well-supported by the evidence we have collected.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “These classified methods do not include illegal methods I hope?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Madame Deputy I am unable to discuss the specific methods however I can assure you that the conduct of the FSB and other agencies was lawful within the confines of Russian Law.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Given these serious allegations, what oversight mechanisms are in place to ensure that the FSB’s actions are transparent and not based on shielding the current government from accountability?

Director Nurgaliyev: “Madame Deputy our operations are done in the interest of the Russian Federation. Any misuse of information or deflection of focus is not in line with our mission to protect Russians.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: All right. You were one of the President’s senior advisers?

Director Nurgaliyev: “Amongst other officials, I serve in the president’s federal security council and advise him on matters of national security.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Now, who was in charge of intelligence briefings to the President at the Kremlin?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “As far as the President’s intelligence briefings are concerned, that would be the Director of National Intelligence Vladimir Sipyagin”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “So it was the general practice if one of the intelligence directors wanted to see the President, they had to go through Director Sipyagin?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “That is correct.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Now, there were exceptions to that general rule; is that correct?”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Now, the head of our intelligence services is a very close associate of the President; is that correct?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “I can’t speak to the specifics of their relationship.’

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “He had served as an advisor to the President in previous years, is that correct?

Director Nurgaliyev: “Once again “I can’t speak to the specifics of their relationship.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Were there occasions when the head of intelligence could meet with the President and exclude you from the meeting?’

Director Nurgaliyev: “If the head of intelligence wished to meet with the President or Prime Minister it was not required to gain the consent of the other federal security services such as the SVR, FSO, or VpZK”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: ”Then there were occasions when the President met alone with the Director without your being present?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “I can not comment on whether the Director of National Intelligence exercised that privilege no.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Now, let’s turn for a moment to the issue of Thailand’s efforts to undermine Russia’s security. The effectiveness or failure of these efforts and how we have responded to them. The efforts to counter Thailand's actions were much on the President’s mind during your tenure; is that a fair statement?

Director Nurgaliyev: “Yes Madame Deputy.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Mr. Director, The Director of National Intelligence told us that he kept the President briefed on general matters related to Thailand’s subversive influence. What do you remember about those discussions with the President?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “The President received briefings on the status of Thailand’s influence and the effectiveness of our countermeasures. However, the details of the specific operations or their management is not suitable for public discussion. I would be happy to discuss that in a private setting.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “And significant time was spent at the Kremlin attempting to address the challenges posed by Thailand’s diplomatic maneuvers, reselling of our equipment, and other subversive acts.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Yes. There were discussions and strategies being developed to address Thailand’s influence through various channels. We had regular briefings on these matters.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “In any of the strategic sessions you attended, did anyone suggest that there were ongoing covert efforts to counter Thailand’s influence?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “I can not comment on that Madame Deputy in a public setting.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Given the importance of countering Thailand’s actions and the fact that you attended daily briefings and meetings, were you aware of any significant disagreements among senior advisers on how to address the issue?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “President Nemtsov sought counsel from a number of sources including members of his office of legal counsel, ministries of foreign affairs and national defense, and even Rosoboronexport executives. I can not comment whether they all agreed however the institutions served the office of the President and executed his executive actions, drafted policy in line with his vision, and conducted actions as prescribed by government decisions.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “So in truth, the President was informed following taking office, had received counsel from multiple sources, and was receiving briefings from the intelligence community, is that accurate?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Yes”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Was the President in a position to manipulate that information to his advantage and instruct his government to overlook specific evidence unfavorable to him or his agencies in this report?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Madame Deputy No. Whilst I can speak at greater lengths of the situation in a private setting, the President, to the best of my knowledge did not knowingly ask for portions of the report to be removed.”

Deputy Natalia Ivanova: “Thank you, Director.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “The Gentleman Dmitry Ivanov of Rasskazovo is recognized for ten minutes. You have the floor.” Dimitry said rolling his eyes as he had to call on the far-right fanatics to speak.

Dmitry Ivanov (Rodina): “Director Nurgaliyev, some believe that President Nemtsov was weak and failed to address threats like these effectively. Can you comment on this perspective and explain how current leadership is handling the situation differently?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Our current focus is on…”

Dmitry Ivanov: “Okay fine don’t answer that. Did you know the President ran on funds secured by members of Rosoboronexport’s executive council?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Ivanov I honestly do not…”

Dmitry Ivanov: “Deputy Ivanov. Director. Did Dimitry Timurovich inform you that he was not only sending the President Money but also you some money around?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Ivanov No. I don’t know what fringe…”

Dmitry Ivanov: “Were you aware that you had received 200,000 dollars from Mr. Timurovich who acted on behalf of Rosoboronexport.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Ivanov I have not received money from Rosoboronexport. No matter how many times you say it, it doesn’t become truth.”

Dmitry Ivanov: “Well then Director, explain this.” Ivanov said holding up financial records. “I ask the Chairman to submit these to the record. Here it shows that Director Nurgaliyev received money from Rosoboronexport in exchange for relaxing export policies to potential customers Contributions were given to a number of top officials in the current administration. A bunch of corrupt maggots.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “I…”

Dmitry Ivanov: “I yield the remainder of my time.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “The Honorable Lady Tatiana Morozova of Crimea is recognized for five minutes You have the floor.” Dimitry said.

Tatiana Morozova (Soviet Party of Russia): “Thank you Mr. Chairman. I only have two questions so I will keep it brief. Director Nurgaliyev What specific actions are being taken to ensure that the FSB’s findings result in tangible results? Are there any planned changes in policy or strategy based on these findings?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Madame Deputy. Our report outlines the current assessment we have of Thailand. I can not speculate on the Government’s specific response however I know and can share that they consider it a serious issue and will continue to monitor and adapt to new challenges posed by Thailand.

Tatiana Morozova: “Director Nurgaliyev, how will the FSB’s actions in response to these allegations impact ordinary Russian citizens? What steps are being taken to ensure their safety and protect their interests?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Our primary concern is the security and well-being of all Russian citizens. We are working to prevent any potential efforts by Thailand aimed at affecting ordinary people. This includes strengthening our internal security measures but also being more proactive.

Tatiana Morozova: “Can you elaborate on how the FSB plans to address potential fallout from this situation in terms of social stability and public confidence in the government?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Ma’am please let me emphasize that the public has no reason at this time to fear. We continue to serve in their interest and attempts to exaggerate this situation are unduly founded.”

Tatiana Morozova: “Thank you Mr. Chairman. I yield the remainder of my time.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “The Gentlemen Nikolay Tsed of Vladivostok is recognized for ten minutes You have the floor.” Dimitry said.

Nikolay Tsed: “I’ll get straight to it. Director. Do you believe that the National Security Council should have a foreign policy decision-making role greater than that of the Foreign Minister?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Not in particular no.”

Nikolay Tsed: “Do you believe that the State Duma should have an oversight responsibility in the areas of intelligence activities on foreign affairs?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “I believe the constitution is clear in the oversight capacity that the State Duma has”

Nikolay Tsed: “I think you would agree however that is not always forthcoming. How can our responsibility be effectively discharged if the State Duma is given less than complete statements by officials in the executive branch on whose complete candor it must, of necessity, rely?

Director Nurgaliyev: “No, sir, it cannot. However, the FSB has never knowingly misled or misinformed the State Duma. Furthermore, integrity on both ends of the dialog, the service informs the State Duma in regular intervals but also conduits its affairs lawfully in accordance with the Constitutional Court’s interpretation of the constitution.”

Nikolay Tsed: “An interpretation that allows you to essentially act with impunity…right.” Before the Director could respond Nikolay would continue. “I want to talk a little bit about the development of policy and how the policies in these matters happened to come about. Did the two policies, that is, addressing Russia’s national security and countering Thailand’s efforts, have distinct and separate beginnings?

Director Nurgaliyev: Yes, sir. The policy of addressing Thailand's attempts to undermine Russia’s national security had its origins well before this administration. At the time, there was no consideration, to my knowledge, of any initiatives specifically targeting Thailand. The focus remained over the Gepard incident.

Nikolay Tsed: “Is it fair to say that we did not engage in efforts against Thailand in order to raise our own international profile or to serve other geopolitical interests?”

Director Nurgaliyev: I don’t believe we did, that’s correct.

Nikolay Tsed: “Is it then fair to say that we did not engage with Thailand in order to circumvent any internal restrictions or directives?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “That’s correct.”

Nikolay Tsed: “In your mind, when and how did the focus on Thailand and its attempts to undermine Russia’s security come about? Why did the Government switch course so to say.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy. I do not think that it is appropriate to characterize this as a switch. In reality, the Nemtsov administration has worked with this Government to resolve the Thailand issue. The escalation occurred when it became apparent the depths to which Thailand went to undermine Russia’s global position, the use of lawfare, and refusal to resolve the situation.”

Nikolay Tsed: "And you think that was the point at which the focus on Thailand’s actions began?"

Director Nurgaliyev: As far as I know, it was President Nemtsov who brought the focus back on Thailand.”

Nikolay Tsed: “Now, I think you have testified earlier, and you have certainly made a number of statements that Thailand is not a threat to Russia correct.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “In the context of domestic security yes, sir.”

Nikolay Tsed: “The dangers to Russia’s national security, our position in the global arena, and our relationships with other countries—a number of dangers. I would say that is a threat no?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “I would refer you to the SVR or Ministry of For…”

Nikolay Tsed: “The policy on Thailand, with the shifts in international dynamics and domestic support, saw an intense debate in Russia about how to handle these issues?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Sir, the Russian Government is…”

Nikolay Tsed: “Did it occur to you that there was a greatly heightened danger to Russia’s policy when dealing with the unpredictable nature of Thailand, which had its own risks and challenges, and that putting the two together increased the risk geometrically?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Sir, the Government attempted to rectify an important geopolitical issue. In addition to…”

Nikolay Tsed: “Was that discussed at all Director, to your knowledge?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Now that I am aware Deputy.”

Nikolay Tsed: “Is it fair to say that the President's management style is one that seeks to avoid confrontation with and among his principal advisers and Cabinet officials?

Director Nurgaliyev: “I can not speak to the specifics of the President’s management style of the executive, I think that the President enjoys a full range of input but is solution-oriented not problem-oriented.

Nikolay Tsed: That is my point. Did that management approach contribute to the isolation of certain departments or agencies in addressing the Thailand issue?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Mr. Deputy, there were frequent conversations with other relevant agencies about this matter, and I do not think the President sought to avoid the Thailand issue.”

Nikolay Tsed: The reason I ask that question is it seems apparent to me that we are dealing with a lot of symptoms and we are not really dealing with causes. One of the problems—that I perceive, at least—is that perhaps the President was misinformed. Perhaps he was ill-informed. Nevertheless, he was informed. He knew the risks and continued to approve a positive relationship with Thailand. If that isn’t a lapse of judgment I don’t know what is. I am of course out of time and wish to yield the remainder of my time to the Chairman. Thank you.”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreevich: “The Gentleman Aleksandr Romanov of Rasskazovo is recognized for five minutes. You have the floor.”

Aleksandr Romanov (Rodina): “Director Nurgaliyev, there are allegations that the NGO Socialist Causes is being used by Thailand to undermine Russian sovereignty. Can you confirm whether there is a connection between this organization and the Thai government? Also, has the President considered military action to destroy the ships currently held in Canadian custody?”

Director Nurgaliyev: “Regarding the NGO Socialist Causes, at this time, there is no evidence directly linking it to an operation by the Thai government. However, the FSB is actively monitoring various subversive acts and we remain vigilant against any efforts to undermine our sovereignty. As for military action, I am not at liberty to comment on the President's considerations.”

Aleksandr Romanov: “Isn't it clear that this NGO could be a front for Thai subversive activities? And why is the President not taking action to deal with it? Is he waiting for another crisis? It seems like the government is lacking the resolve needed to protect Russian interests.”

Director Nurgaliyev: “We are closely monitoring all potential threats and will act accordingly based on the evidence and intelligence we gather. The decision to take action is a matter for the President. I cannot provide details or speculate on such decisions.”

Aleksandr Romanov: “It seems clear to me that the current administration is weak and indecisive. President Nemtsov’s failure to take strong measures has allowed these threats to grow. And it’s no surprise that the Social Democrats are enabling this situation—after all, their soft stance on national security makes them akin to puppets of foreign interests!”

Chairman Dmitriy Andreeviche: “Mr. Romanov, I must remind you that such allegations are serious and should be substantiated. Your comments regarding the Social Democrats are inappropriate and unfounded. I am cutting your speaking time and urging you to retract these remarks.”

Aleksandr Romanov: “This is outrageous! We have the right to question the government’s weakness and the connections between its policies and foreign influence! The Social Democrats are not just soft they are sellouts. Bought and paid for by the Thai Socialists!” Aleksandr said throwing his papers up as an uproar emerged between the far-right coalition and the social democrats.

Chairman Dmitriy Andreeviche: “Order. Order!” Dimitry screamed. “Deputy Mr. Romanov, your comments are not only disruptive. They are a complete fabrication. Please retract your statement immediately. If you do not comply"…Protests and murmurs of disagreement began to fill the room, with some Rodina members getting up to continue their protest in support of Romanov’s statements. As the Chairperson attempts to restore order and continue the proceedings there is a brief delay. The session is declared closed as the protests continue and the meeting is adjourned by the Chairman of the State Duma.

Session Ended...​