National Security Countil : #001

[Bruno]

National Security Council Meeting – Discussing the Red Sea Missile Strike - Secret and Classified.​

The atmosphere in the conference room of the Casa de Belém, the official residence of the President of Portugal, was thick with tension as members of the National Security Council filed in for an emergency meeting. President Pedro da Gama sat at the head of the table, his face stern but calm, flanked by Vice-President Rui Tavares and the nation’s top officials. The room’s silence was broken only by the occasional murmur as papers were shuffled and laptops opened.

The agenda today was clear: to discuss the implications of the missile strike in the Red Sea, analyze the potential actors involved, and determine how it affected Portugal’s national security and economic interests, particularly in the shipping lanes that run through the region.

Pedro da Gama:​

“Let’s get started,” the President said, his voice cutting through the quiet. “This missile strike in the Red Sea has caused a significant stir internationally, and while we have no direct involvement, it does concern us. Our shipping routes pass through those waters, and this attack risks destabilizing the region. I want a full briefing. Who do we think is behind this?”

Luis Amado, Secretary of State, took a deep breath before speaking.​

“We don’t have definitive proof yet, but several nations have strategic interests in the Red Sea. It’s a vital maritime artery, not just for Egypt but for global trade. The fact that this attack was so precise, targeting naval infrastructure, suggests an advanced actor. Our intelligence is limited, but we suspect it could be the work of a state actor or a highly capable non-state entity.” Amado paused, glancing at a few papers in front of him. “The missile used was sophisticated. Only a handful of nations possess these kinds of sea-skimming missiles and the technology to launch them covertly. Given the current regional dynamics, we’re looking at potential actors like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, or even external powers with interests in the Red Sea – possibly even Thailand or Indonesia, though we can’t confirm anything yet.”

Augusto Santos Silva, Minister of Defence, leaned forward, his fingers interlocked.​

“Thailand is the wildcard here. They have modernized their navy and could have the capability to launch a strike of this nature. If this strike was them, it could signal a more aggressive foreign policy, but im inclined in discarding their involvement in the issue, seems rather to out of the left field, to off from their playing book. We should also consider that non-state actors, like well-funded militias or rogue groups, could have obtained advanced weapons from the black market or sympathetic state sponsors. The bigger question is why. Why attack a naval base in the Red Sea? What would any nation for that matter, gain from this? If it’s about controlling the shipping lanes, then it’s an economic play. Disrupting trade through the Red Sea could send global markets into chaos, and that could harm us, particularly with our maritime economy.”

Rui Pereira, Minister of Home Affairs, nodded in agreement.​

“Our ports, including Sines and Lisbon, are deeply connected to global trade routes. Any instability in the Red Sea could raise shipping insurance premiums, delay shipments, and destabilize supply chains. That means higher costs for us, possibly shortages of key imports, and a disruption to the flow of goods that our economy relies on. We need to look at the bigger picture.”

Vieira da Silva, Minister of Economy and Sea Affairs, picked up from there.​

“The potential impact on Portuguese shipping interests cannot be overstated. Roughly 10% of global trade passes through the Red Sea. If this region becomes a conflict zone, shipping companies will reroute their vessels, which could lead to significant delays and increased costs. Portuguese shipping firms could lose contracts, and our ports would see a decline in activity.” Vieira da Silva looked around the room. “What we must consider is how to mitigate these risks. Strengthening our maritime security, securing our shipping lanes, and potentially opening diplomatic channels to de-escalate the situation in the Red Sea.”

Rui Tavares, the Vice-President, weighed in.​

“While we focus on the economic and security risks, we can’t ignore the diplomatic aspect. If it turns out that a civilized nation in asia is involved, how do we respond? Our relationship with Southeast Asian nations is neutral, but we may need to take a more assertive stance if it threatens our interests. We don’t want to escalate tensions unnecessarily, but we also cannot afford to appear weak.”

Luis Valença Pinto, Chief of the General Staff of the Armed Forces, cleared his throat.​

“Our immediate concern should be Portuguese shipping. We have several commercial vessels moving through the Red Sea at any given time. If this situation worsens, they could be caught in the crossfire. We need to ensure their protection. One option is to strengthen naval escort capabilities in coordination with other nations that rely on the same trade routes.”

Valença Pinto glanced at the Defence Minister.
“I’d also suggest increasing our naval intelligence presence in the region. If this attack signals a broader conflict, we need to know about it before it reaches a point of no return.”

Augusto Santos Silva nodded.​

“Agreed. We could quietly dispatch a few naval reconnaissance units to the eastern Mediterranean to monitor the situation more closely. If this is a precursor to further destabilization, we’ll need to be ahead of it.”

Carlos Teixeira dos Santos, Minister of Finance, finally spoke, his tone measured.​

“This is all very troubling, increasing naval deployments and maritime security will come at a cost, and we’re already balancing a delicate budget. If we start rerouting shipping and protecting vessels, it could result in significant economic losses. However, the cost of doing nothing might be higher.”

President da Gama listened intently, his fingers tapping rhythmically on the table.
“There’s no doubt that this is a precarious situation. Our shipping routes, economy, and national security are all tied to the stability of this region. We need to proceed carefully. First, we must get all the facts. Luis,” he said, turning to the Secretary of State, “we need to pressure Egypt to give us access to the missile debris for forensic analysis. That might give us a clue about who’s responsible.”

Luis Amado nodded. “I’ll handle it, Mr. President.”

Da Gama continued, “In the meantime, we increase our naval presence quietly. I don’t want to provoke anyone, but we need eyes on the ground—or, in this case, the sea. We should also prepare for diplomatic outreach. Rui,” he said, addressing the Vice-President, “you’ll handle that. We need to tread lightly with Thailand, but also make sure they know we’re watching.”

The President paused and looked at his team.
“Let’s be clear. This attack might not involve us directly, but the ripples it sends out could reach our shores sooner than we think. We need to protect our shipping routes, ensure our economy stays stable, and, above all, safeguard Portugal’s national security.”

The room remained tense as President Pedro da Gama directed his attention to Luis Amado, the Secretary of State. The discussion had veered towards potential foreign involvement in the Red Sea missile strike, but it was time to narrow the focus.

Pedro da Gama:​

“Thailand’s or a Indonesiam or even a Indian involvement, frankly, I don’t see any merit in these theorys. Let’s set it aside and focus on what’s more likely. Who are the regional players at the center of this?”

Luis Amado nodded, agreeing with the President’s dismissal of Thai involvement.

Luis Amado:​

“Mr. President, I can completely agree. Thailand isn’t part of this equation, its just to far away from their modus operandi. The attack’s origin clearly points to actors within the Red Sea region—nations with vested interests in the control and security of these waters. Right now, our attention should be on countries like Saudi Arabia, and potentially Iran. Each has the capability and a strategic reason to destabilize this area.”

He took a moment, then added:
"Saudi Arabia, they have the capacity and motive to assert dominance in this region. And, of course, Iran remains a key player whenever disruption in maritime trade is involved.”

Pedro da Gama nodded.​

“Right. These are nations that have clear stakes in the Red Sea, unlike Thailand, whose involvement simply doesn’t make sense. Now, more importantly, how does this affect our shipping lines, and what should we do to protect them?”

Vieira da Silva, Minister of Economy and Sea Affairs, leaned forward.​

“This attack directly threatens our trade routes through the Red Sea, which are vital for global commerce, especially given our recent tri-lateral trade agreement with Britain and Spain. The potential instability could increase the cost of shipping, delay goods, and even jeopardize the security of Portuguese vessels. We can’t ignore the consequences if this situation escalates.”

Luis Valença Pinto, Chief of the General Staff, weighed in.​

“We need to act swiftly. One option is to reach out to our partners—particularly Britain and Spain—to coordinate maritime security. The agreement we signed with them not long ago on boosting trade relations provides a strong platform for this. They share the same concerns about safeguarding these trade routes. If we collaborate, we can reinforce naval patrols and surveillance in the region.”

Pedro da Gama nodded thoughtfully.​

“We should definitely engage them. Our recent agreement was monumental for trade between our nations, and it makes sense to extend that cooperation into protecting the very routes that ensure its success. Luis, I want you to open discussions with Britain and Spain. Let’s see if we can formalize some joint protection measures.”

Luis Amado responded, “I’ll reach out immediately. Britain has a strong naval presence, and Spain shares our economic concerns in the region. Together, we can push for coordinated patrols or even temporary naval escorts for our cargo vessels.”

Augusto Santos Silva, Minister of Defence, added,​

“With Britain’s and Spain, we could cover significant ground in ensuring the safety of our shipping lanes. This isn’t just about protecting trade—it’s about maintaining our influence in global commerce. We cannot afford to let instability in the Red Sea interfere with our economic trajectory.”

Rui Tavares, Vice-President, chimed in,​

“We should also emphasize that this is a matter of mutual benefit. Securing the Red Sea isn’t just in Portugal’s interest—it’s critical for Spain and Britain as well. This cooperation will show that our trade agreement goes beyond commerce; it includes shared security interests.”

Pedro da Gama concluded,​

“Exactly. Let’s focus on the tangible threats from regional actors and prioritize safeguarding our trade routes. Thailand is not a concern. Our goal now is to bring Britain and Spain into this effort to ensure our shared economic interests are protected. Keep me updated as these talks progress.”

As the discussion drew to a close, President Pedro da Gama leaned back in his chair, his gaze sweeping the room. The path forward was becoming clearer: focus on regional actors, ensure Portugal's trade routes remained secure, and strengthen ties with Britain and Spain to protect shared interests.

Pedro da Gama:​

“Alright, I think we have a solid direction. Our priority now is to engage Britain and Spain about securing the Red Sea shipping lanes. Let’s act fast and ensure that our interests in this vital region remain protected.”

He turned to Luis Amado, Secretary of State.
“Luis, open those diplomatic channels with Britain and Spain as soon as possible. Stress the importance of maintaining the stability of our shipping routes, especially after the trade agreement we signed. We need their cooperation to ensure continued security.”

Luis Amado nodded firmly.
“I’ll reach out to them immediately, Mr. President. We’ll work on setting up coordinated patrols and formalizing joint security measures.”

President da Gama then addressed Augusto Santos Silva, the Defence Secretary.
“Augusto, prepare a strategy for increasing our naval presence in the region—without causing unnecessary alarm. We need to be ready if the situation worsens.”

Augusto Santos Silva responded with a nod,
“Understood, Mr. President. We’ll coordinate with Spain and Britain on joint patrols and enhance our reconnaissance capabilities in the Red Sea.”

Turning to the Vice-President, Rui Tavares, da Gama concluded,
“Rui, ensure we communicate clearly with the public and business community. They need to know we’re on top of this. It’s vital to maintain confidence, especially in a time of uncertainty.”

Rui Tavares:​

“Of course, Mr. President.”

With the key points addressed, President da Gama stood, signaling the end of the meeting.
“Let’s keep in close contact. This situation may evolve quickly, and we need to stay ahead of it. Thank you, everyone.”

As the members of the National Security Council rose and began to file out, the gravity of the situation lingered. Portugal’s strategy was set: diplomacy, security, and coordination with trusted allies would be the pillars of their response to protect their shipping lanes and national interests in the face of this emerging threat.

Meeting adjourned.​