- May 4, 2021
- 2,752
A sequel to the "Monarchist Intervention," this thread is open to all kinds of response, whether harmful or innocent, from all roleplaying members.
February 7, 2005
Tha Yang, Thung Yai, Nakhon Si Thammarat
Bhumibol Adulyadej sat on his favorite sofa, the soft glow of his 4K OLED television casting shadows across the room. The others at the retirement home mostly stuck to the usual news channels, but he had grown tired of their narrow view of the world. Once, he had ruled the vast Rattanakosin Empire, a reign stretching across Indochina. Now, he was just another elderly resident, his wisdom often lost on younger ears. Power, he reflected, had once been as intoxicating as a fine wine—rich and complex. Yet, there was a strange comfort in the socialist system now, where people were encouraged to self-govern and care for one another. It was soothing, though it dulled the sharp edges of the past.
But this past week felt different. Darker. His mind wandered back to the noon news on Thai PBS, the calm voice of the female anchor still fresh in his memory. “We return now to the latest reports from the National Assembly. Today marks the sixth straight day of rising calls for state abolition, with 378 out of 75,086 community assemblies nationwide forming a coalition. They argue that the time has come to dismantle the state, which they view as a clear embodiment of class oppression. Independent investigations have pointed to growing political campaigns led by Radical Participatory Socialist groups in these areas. The NIA also reports a noticeable shift toward anarcho-socialism, influenced by successful local movements.”
He raised an eyebrow, skeptical about the sustainability of such a movement. Now identifying as a Conservative Socialist, he couldn’t shake the doubt: could people really self-govern without the state’s support? Wasn’t that the very reason nation-states existed? Yet, many of his fellow elders seemed open to the idea of abolishing the state—though not entirely. They debated the consequences and momentum behind the movement, wondering if they should present it at the community assembly on Saturday. Still, a few shared his unease. Stability-Oriented Socialists like them believed that dismantling the state too quickly and decentralizing power could lead to chaos. His attention shifted to a female elder, her raised voice cutting through the chatter.
“There’s some merit to this libertarian socialist trend,” she began, “but I’m not convinced it’s time to dismantle the state. How can we run a communist society when we’re still bound by material limitations like resource scarcity? Without the state, how would we manage international trade? The world still runs on a capitalist system that exploits billions of workers. Instead of rushing to abolish the state, we should focus on making it more efficient—combining decentralization with central guidance. That way, other nations will follow, seeing that democratic socialism is not only practical but morally superior to free-market liberalism.” Another elder jumped in to debate her point. Bhumibol observed that she likely represented the Pragmatic Socialist view, rooted in the center of Thai politics.
He glanced at the serene garden outside the window, framed behind the curved television. Younger residents were helping the older ones tend to the shared space. As his wealth had become meaningless in Thailand’s moneyless society, the simplicity of gardening had somehow registered in his mind as comforting. It wasn’t something he would have done before—that had always been his wife’s domain. She was now a regular at the local community assembly. The world had shifted dramatically since the collapse of the United Nations and other international organizations in 1995. The Global Assembly had stepped in to fill the void, though not always successfully. Or maybe it was just that the changes in Thailand felt more pronounced. His thoughts drifted back to the days when he’d taken advantage of global chaos, seizing control of Laos and Cambodia, crowning himself emperor of the Rattanakosin Empire. He was jolted from his memories when a middle-aged social worker joined the elders' conversation.
“They do have an interesting perspective, don’t they?” the man remarked. “The Radical Participatory Socialists are known for their impatience. Personally, I prefer the Progressive Socialists. Sure, they also aim for a communist utopia, but they’re more cautious—working toward decentralization at a pace that plants the seeds for future change, not chaos. Oh, and yes, I’m a Progressive Party voter,” he added with a grin. “I still can’t believe the People’s Front elected its leader as the new Secretary General this month. They say Thanathorn has close ties to Prime Minister Thaksin. I’d call it elitism if the cabinet actually had any executive power.” He chuckled, then fielded a few more questions from the elders about his political stance.
After a few more rounds of discussion, Bhumibol felt his patience wearing thin. He stood from the sofa, drawing a few glances from his fellow elders. It was time for a walk. The sun blazed through the leaves of old and newly planted trees, casting dappled light across the lush landscape surrounding the retirement complex. Southern Thailand had always been rich with natural beauty, but the state’s sustainability efforts had made the greenery even more abundant, spreading through towns and cities across the nation. As he stepped out of the garden, he noticed the conversation about the community assemblies had spilled outside. A small group of adults in their fifties stood nearby, deep in discussion. One woman’s voice stood out.
“Did anyone hear the news about those radicals on social media again?” she asked, her tone edged with concern. “I saw the number of community assemblies supporting them is close to four hundred now. They’re calling for the dissolution of the state! Can you believe it? I thought communism was supposed to be a utopian ideal, a moral framework, like the one our founding fathers built into the Constitution. My son loves his job at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—what’s going to happen to him if his work becomes irrelevant? Maree, you don’t agree with this, do you? Your daughter works for the regional economic planning board, right?” Bhumibol nodded to himself, a hint of irony tugging at his lips. The woman’s alarm over the anarcho-socialists struck him as amusing—she was defending a far-left socialist state, yet still considered them radicals.
As Bhumibol continued down the street, he watched as people cycled past and engaged in lively conversations. The community buzzed with life—neighbors discussing their day, the weather, and, most importantly, the upcoming decisions to be made at the next community assembly. Former convenience and grocery stores had shifted their operations; with private ownership abolished, those running the stores—often the same people who once owned them—now distributed resources based on labor tokens, reflecting the Marxian Labor Theory of Value. However, his calm observation was interrupted by a sudden, jarring sound from a group gathered near the town center. Dressed in black shirts, they drew a small crowd.
“People of Tha Yang! The time has come to reject the state, the very symbol of class oppression!” one of them shouted, causing startled reactions from the onlookers, Bhumibol included. “We, former members of the Libertarian Socialists who helped overthrow the monarchy and liberate Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia, are here to reclaim the people's rule—just like during the six months of anarchy before the 1998 Revolution. It’s been seven years, and we will no longer accept control by state socialists and democratic socialists! We proved a stateless society could work for over six months because it’s the purest, most natural form of human organization. Join us in creating a truly just and egalitarian world, where communal ownership shapes our relationships. The future is now!” As the man finished, smartphones captured the scene, quickly ensuring the moment would reach far beyond Tha Yang.
Tha Yang, Thung Yai, Nakhon Si Thammarat
Bhumibol Adulyadej sat on his favorite sofa, the soft glow of his 4K OLED television casting shadows across the room. The others at the retirement home mostly stuck to the usual news channels, but he had grown tired of their narrow view of the world. Once, he had ruled the vast Rattanakosin Empire, a reign stretching across Indochina. Now, he was just another elderly resident, his wisdom often lost on younger ears. Power, he reflected, had once been as intoxicating as a fine wine—rich and complex. Yet, there was a strange comfort in the socialist system now, where people were encouraged to self-govern and care for one another. It was soothing, though it dulled the sharp edges of the past.
But this past week felt different. Darker. His mind wandered back to the noon news on Thai PBS, the calm voice of the female anchor still fresh in his memory. “We return now to the latest reports from the National Assembly. Today marks the sixth straight day of rising calls for state abolition, with 378 out of 75,086 community assemblies nationwide forming a coalition. They argue that the time has come to dismantle the state, which they view as a clear embodiment of class oppression. Independent investigations have pointed to growing political campaigns led by Radical Participatory Socialist groups in these areas. The NIA also reports a noticeable shift toward anarcho-socialism, influenced by successful local movements.”
He raised an eyebrow, skeptical about the sustainability of such a movement. Now identifying as a Conservative Socialist, he couldn’t shake the doubt: could people really self-govern without the state’s support? Wasn’t that the very reason nation-states existed? Yet, many of his fellow elders seemed open to the idea of abolishing the state—though not entirely. They debated the consequences and momentum behind the movement, wondering if they should present it at the community assembly on Saturday. Still, a few shared his unease. Stability-Oriented Socialists like them believed that dismantling the state too quickly and decentralizing power could lead to chaos. His attention shifted to a female elder, her raised voice cutting through the chatter.
“There’s some merit to this libertarian socialist trend,” she began, “but I’m not convinced it’s time to dismantle the state. How can we run a communist society when we’re still bound by material limitations like resource scarcity? Without the state, how would we manage international trade? The world still runs on a capitalist system that exploits billions of workers. Instead of rushing to abolish the state, we should focus on making it more efficient—combining decentralization with central guidance. That way, other nations will follow, seeing that democratic socialism is not only practical but morally superior to free-market liberalism.” Another elder jumped in to debate her point. Bhumibol observed that she likely represented the Pragmatic Socialist view, rooted in the center of Thai politics.
He glanced at the serene garden outside the window, framed behind the curved television. Younger residents were helping the older ones tend to the shared space. As his wealth had become meaningless in Thailand’s moneyless society, the simplicity of gardening had somehow registered in his mind as comforting. It wasn’t something he would have done before—that had always been his wife’s domain. She was now a regular at the local community assembly. The world had shifted dramatically since the collapse of the United Nations and other international organizations in 1995. The Global Assembly had stepped in to fill the void, though not always successfully. Or maybe it was just that the changes in Thailand felt more pronounced. His thoughts drifted back to the days when he’d taken advantage of global chaos, seizing control of Laos and Cambodia, crowning himself emperor of the Rattanakosin Empire. He was jolted from his memories when a middle-aged social worker joined the elders' conversation.
“They do have an interesting perspective, don’t they?” the man remarked. “The Radical Participatory Socialists are known for their impatience. Personally, I prefer the Progressive Socialists. Sure, they also aim for a communist utopia, but they’re more cautious—working toward decentralization at a pace that plants the seeds for future change, not chaos. Oh, and yes, I’m a Progressive Party voter,” he added with a grin. “I still can’t believe the People’s Front elected its leader as the new Secretary General this month. They say Thanathorn has close ties to Prime Minister Thaksin. I’d call it elitism if the cabinet actually had any executive power.” He chuckled, then fielded a few more questions from the elders about his political stance.
After a few more rounds of discussion, Bhumibol felt his patience wearing thin. He stood from the sofa, drawing a few glances from his fellow elders. It was time for a walk. The sun blazed through the leaves of old and newly planted trees, casting dappled light across the lush landscape surrounding the retirement complex. Southern Thailand had always been rich with natural beauty, but the state’s sustainability efforts had made the greenery even more abundant, spreading through towns and cities across the nation. As he stepped out of the garden, he noticed the conversation about the community assemblies had spilled outside. A small group of adults in their fifties stood nearby, deep in discussion. One woman’s voice stood out.
“Did anyone hear the news about those radicals on social media again?” she asked, her tone edged with concern. “I saw the number of community assemblies supporting them is close to four hundred now. They’re calling for the dissolution of the state! Can you believe it? I thought communism was supposed to be a utopian ideal, a moral framework, like the one our founding fathers built into the Constitution. My son loves his job at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs—what’s going to happen to him if his work becomes irrelevant? Maree, you don’t agree with this, do you? Your daughter works for the regional economic planning board, right?” Bhumibol nodded to himself, a hint of irony tugging at his lips. The woman’s alarm over the anarcho-socialists struck him as amusing—she was defending a far-left socialist state, yet still considered them radicals.
As Bhumibol continued down the street, he watched as people cycled past and engaged in lively conversations. The community buzzed with life—neighbors discussing their day, the weather, and, most importantly, the upcoming decisions to be made at the next community assembly. Former convenience and grocery stores had shifted their operations; with private ownership abolished, those running the stores—often the same people who once owned them—now distributed resources based on labor tokens, reflecting the Marxian Labor Theory of Value. However, his calm observation was interrupted by a sudden, jarring sound from a group gathered near the town center. Dressed in black shirts, they drew a small crowd.
“People of Tha Yang! The time has come to reject the state, the very symbol of class oppression!” one of them shouted, causing startled reactions from the onlookers, Bhumibol included. “We, former members of the Libertarian Socialists who helped overthrow the monarchy and liberate Thailand, Laos, and Cambodia, are here to reclaim the people's rule—just like during the six months of anarchy before the 1998 Revolution. It’s been seven years, and we will no longer accept control by state socialists and democratic socialists! We proved a stateless society could work for over six months because it’s the purest, most natural form of human organization. Join us in creating a truly just and egalitarian world, where communal ownership shapes our relationships. The future is now!” As the man finished, smartphones captured the scene, quickly ensuring the moment would reach far beyond Tha Yang.
