Zebra
GA Member
- Jan 11, 2024
- 56
You are watching a special CCTV-13 broadcast aired on all CCTV channels for the first ever official Chinese Presidential Debate. Based on criteria agreed upon by the campaigns of all officially registered candidates, four candidates reached the threshold required to be eligible for the debate. The remaining 5 candidates will have their own separate debate on CCTV-13 tomorrow at 8. The candidates present today are Acting President Ming Yi for the Republican Party, Li Keqiang of the Communist Party, Zhu Bo-Guo of the Kuomintang and last but not least Tso Chun from the Jiusan Society. I am your host and the debate moderator for today, Chang Shui. The debate will consist of five stages. In the first stage each candidate will be allowed to make a brief statement explaining why they are running for Office and why you should consider them, for the second and third stages we have collected questions from you the public through our website. In the second stage questions five questions each hitting on a key policy area will be asked of every candidate. In the third stage each candidate will receive three questions. In the fourth stage the foreign press will be allowed to ask questions of one or more candidates. In the final stagethe candidates will be allowed to make a final brief statement.
Being the first elections for a democratic national government on the Chinese mainland in the history of the Chinese state, much is at stake as the still very fragile Republic seeks to leave its mark on Chinese and global history. The people will decide whether they want to continue on a path of democratization and liberalization or if they want to to stay with the way things have been.
I now open the floor for the candidates initial statements, please begin President Ming.
Opening Statements:
Ming Yi: Thank you miss Chang. You phrased it perfectly at the end there. Next month nothing less than the future of the Chinese state is at risk here. Do you want to see us return to the ways of the corrupt Communist dictatorship of my colleague Mister Li or the nationalist dictatorship of my colleague mister Zhu, or do you want a government that was formed by the people, is chosen by the people and works only for the people I offer. In the past few months we have taken radical steps to increase popular representation, we have freed political prisoners and we have embarked on a process of truth and reconciliation with the goal of creating a Chinese state not held together by force but by the true will of all our peoples. If you choose to make my Acting Presidency a definite one I will work tirelessly to turn the Republic of China in the brightest torch for democracy, individual liberties and collective prosperity in the world. Freedom and the creation of a classless society cannot only go together, the one cannot exist without the other.
Li Keqiang: Thank you for this platform, miss Chang. The Communist Party is the only party that has ever fought to protect China. While the Kuomintang and the predecessors to President Ming's party were quick to sell out China like a cheap prostitute to the Japanese and the Americans, we fought to create a free and independent China. We pulled China out of the Century of Humiliation and we created a power that dominated Asia and was the only power that could claim to rightfully claim to stand on the same level as the United States and the Soviet Union. Even now the size and state of our economy is entirely the result of our work. Voting for me is a vote for the only person here tonight who will keep China for the Chinese and not sell us out to the Americans, Japanese or Russians.
Zhu Bo-Guo: Thank you, miss Chang. I do not agree on much with President Ming, but one thing we both agree on is that a return to communism will be the worst thing that could happen to this country since well, the Communist victory in the Civil War. Voting for me means that we will bring about a new and peaceful order but one that places Chinese interests first. We must open up our markets but at the same time we must also send a strong signal to the world. The One China Policy is the strongest deterrent against a new century of humiliation, our claim on the Province of Taiwan is key to our foreign policy and relinquishing it will lose us our other disputes such as the ones with the Koreans, the Japanese and the South China Sea. A vote for me is a vote for a strong military, and a strong nationalist government.
Tso Chun: It appears my colleagues seem to have forgotten I am also here, but I will try not to take offense *laugh*. Thank you, miss Chang. It is clear aggressive rhetoric is something all three of my colleagues share and it is the worst thing China can use right now. To bring about a China for the 21st century we need peace and acceptance in word and action. Voting for me will be voting for a socialist China with a clear popular representation. Internationally we will seek dialogue but remain firm on our international rights, and internally we will create a tranquil and open society where thought can move freely and the concerns of all are taken into account. A vote for the others is a vote for more conflict, a vote for me is a vote for true inner and outer peace.
Group Questions:
Chang Shui: It is clear that the Chinese peoples are spoiled for choice next month. Now we will move on to the group questions. We have chosen five categories; internal politics, the economy, foreign relations, the military and state structure. I will ask one question in each of these categories, the candidates may answer the question in 1 minute statements. We will maintain the same order as we have held in the previous stage and will continue maintaining that order for the duration of the debate. First on the area of internal politics. The Constitutional Assembly has ratified an extensive constitution including extensive clauses on civil liberties, individual freedoms, and democratic rights. Critics have however pointed out that the document largely takes poorly from the US constitution and European human rights treaties while have few Chinese elements. If you were elected would you change the Constitution and if so, how and using which means?
Ming Yi: As Chairwoman of the Constitutional Assembly I will gladly admit that we took extensively from the mentioned documents, and I will also point to the final statement of the Constitutional Assembly that this Constitution was meant as a temporary document to provide order and democratic legitimacy to a transitional government we did not at the time knew would stay in power for how long. The existing constitution was contradictory and useless and going without any constitutional document would have invited lawlessness and power abuse. Upon the commencement of my Presidency and Congress being seated I intend to request both the House and the Senate to create Constitutional Committees to begin the work on creating a permanent constitution and I would want this document to be completed before 2005. Such a constitution should be reflective of the Chinese nation but at the same time provide the same level of guarantees and protections as frankly, our European and American friends have perfected over the past century. It is not a bad thing to echo positive elements from other countries and civilizations. The Constitution is a document by and for the people, I do not believe it is the role of a President to exert influence on its contents. As a proud and patriotic Chinese woman I will say that I want my Constitution to protect my rights, protect my country and encourage the prosperity of both myself and all my countrymen and countrywomen.
Li Keqiang: To me it looks like the Constitutional Assembly asked some computer program to make a constitution plagiarizing the US and European documents and calling it a day. The Constitution is not the source of all power but the reflection of power. It should represent the interests of the people at any point in time and as such should be a flexible document. When I become president I will throw this constitution in the bin and we will start over.
Zho Bo-Guo: While I do not agree with how short and rather glib mister Li's position was, I do agree that the Constitution is nothing without the actual source of power supporting it actively. That is the Chinese nation. I would like to see the current constitution, as admirable as it is, to be replaced by a set of Basic Laws not unlike the United Kingdom's or Israel's. This will still create a legal representation of power but is a lot more flexible than a fixed constitution requiring a lengthy amendment process or multiple committees. I would support a more basic document though that outlines more structural elements such as the nature of the Republic of China, state institutions and similar.
Tso Chun: I would like to take this chance to thank President Ming for the work she has done in guaranteeing even this short period is backed up by a strong legal document. I know we disagree on much but President Ming could have easily used her popularity and power to impose a different kind of dictatorship on the country. Thgat being said, it is clear that this document cannot represent China forever and I support the idea of a parliamentary amendment process to compose a more Chinese constitution. Such a constitution should be flexible enough to go with the times but strict enough that it acts as a true limit on state power.
Chang Shui: Thank you all four, moving on to the economy. Since the end of Civil War the Chinese economy has known decades of a planned economy under Chairman Mao followed by varying degrees of state capitalism under subsequent Chairmen. Even now the system as implemented under Chairman Hu remains as the Transitional Government has intentionally chosen not to modify it pending elections. What policies would you seek for the Chinese economy?
Ming Yi: We are in a unique position where we can look back on centuries of experience with just about every economic system. From the strictest state control to anarchist markets, some place in the world has tried it at this point. This allows us to seek a healthy balance between the different economic forms possible. I believe that the size of our population, the resources available to us, the quality of our education and the positioning of our growing emerging technology sectors give us the power to become the world's economic hegemony within decades. Even the heavily corrupt policies under the Communist Party already saw us rise to the top economies globally. I would seek a policy where the state exercises authority in sectors vital to our security such as the food supply, defense, and core infrastructure while allowing a free hand in most other sectors. I would seek to privatize state corporations in sectors where state control makes no sense and sell our shares in companies where prior laws required us to have them. While I do not like direct state control as it strangles innovation, I do support measures that encourages such innovation. As such I will propose and support a line of measures designed to support new companies and entrepreneurship in sectors likely to become essential to the world economy and ones that already are. China produces the smartest people in the world. No matter which innovative company it is, if you look beyond their country but at the actual people working there most of their innovators are Chinese. Our policies have scared away our best and brightest. We need to draw them back and give them a future here worth innovating for.
Li Keqiang: While the past few decades of liberalization have allowed for more wealth to enter the country, this wealth has not benefited the Chinese people at large. Instead of further embracing open markets we should dial back on the process and reintroduce more central planning. That way we can use our innovation and economic prowess to improve the lives of all Chinese people and not just the ones at the top. I strongly believe in having our economy develop from the top and am convinced this is the best way to get our country ready for the economic challenges of this new millennium.
Zho Bo-Guo: Like our people in Taiwan and our brothers in Korea and Japan, markets are the way of the future. Market economics have allowed the Europeans and Americans to develop their empires, and it has allowed even a country as devastated from war as Japan to for a moment challenge even the world's largest economy. We have ten times the population of Japan, we have more people than Europe and the United States combined. China must embrace free market capitalism without major restrictions if we want to be the world's strongest economy.
Tso Chun: A country's economy must first and above all serve the people, economic growth should never come at the cost of the well-being and prosperity of the people. I do believe that some degree of independence is vital for innovation. Especially in these new emerging markets where the knowledge for central control simply doesn't exist yet. However, there should remain a large degree of central planning. That is the only way we can make economic growth actually be a positive for the people.
Chang Shui: Excellent, now moving on to foreign relations. In recent decades Chinese foreign policy has been built around close ties with ideologically similar states in the form of the communist world and in opposition to ideological and strategic rivals such as the United States and at times even the Soviet Union. Now that the communist world is largely gone and the enemies of the past are much less hostile, how should Chinese foreign policy develop?
Ming Yi: Soon after the Cold War was won by the United States and her allies academics were quick to declare the end of history. Recent years have shown that conflict and international rivalries continue just as they did prior. The Chinese state and our future alliances must be approached from a pragmatic perspective but there should be a place for idealism as well. We are an Asian country and as such close ties with our immediate neighbors in East Asia and the Asian continent at large are essential. At the same time we should foster close ties with any peace loving, human rights respecting and free country in the world. Doing this we can create a barrier against tyranny. In line with this my administration has already begun reaching out to countries such as Russia and Canada and we have been approached by Thailand and Portugal. Into my Presidency I would like to hold on to these ties and expand on them with such states as Japan, Australia, Taiwan and Korea in our immediate area and larger countries such as the United States, United Kingdom, Italy and France. But in general we should be open to everyone who matches our values as a people and a state.
Li Keqiang: China is one of the oldest societies in recorded history and I would argue the oldest still in existence. Our seniority, our size, the number of people we have, our military potential and our economy all make us natural leaders of humanity. Our foreign policy should be built around establishing supremacy in Asia and using that to rally a coalition of nations that share our goals around us that we can then use to establish ourselves as a dominant world power. China has too often let others take charge on global leadership and the rest of the world has always failed. Now it is time for us to rise.
Zho Bo-Guo: It is a bit uncanny how often I find myself finding agreement with my Communist colleague. While I do not think we need to be quite this Machiavellian, I do think Chinese leadership is something the world sorely needs. I would like to see us establishing clear goals for the world and China's position in it and build coalitions around bringing these goals to fruition. The world is an unfair place, idealism is nice but we should be realistic. Never again should we open the door to a new century of humiliation.
Tso Chun: I believe the only thing the Communist Party and Kuomintang are going to achieve like this is getting China on just about every military command's war list. The road of the war hawks is a lonely one and one likely to end with our demise at the hands of a more powerful coalition. The world needs to embrace cooperation, and China can become a leader by actively advocating for cooperative approaches to foreign affairs. For my first term I would like to focus on close relationships with our neighbors in Asia. Once we have secure partnerships in place here we can look beyond Asia and towards establishing China as a more global power.
Chang Shui: Related to foreign policy, and especially with some of your answers to the prior question, is military policy. For most of the 20th century Chinese doctrine has been built around using our superior manpower to overwhelm technologically superior foes. A true quantity over quality approach. While this has worked in the distant past and even somewhat recently against parties such as Imperial Japan and the United Nations coalition in the Korean War as well as the United States in Vietnam, military technology has evolved massively in a way that negates the advantages of quantity. How would your Presidency seek to build the new Republican military.
Ming Yi: The size of our population with always be a vital component of our war capabilities. While in the past this may have been through human waves, in the future this will be through the collective intelligence of our people allowing us to spare lives and win wars by having the technological advantage. Our people are not resources, every soldier that dies in combat is a father or mother, a brother or sister, a son or daughter, a husband or wife. While war should always remain the absolute last tool in our toolbox, when it becomes unavoidable we should make sure that we win it with the least loss of human life. The Republican Military needs to focus on a high level of education and expertise while using the most advanced technology available to it. China already has an impressive military industry, but we still lag in many fields. One of the goals of my administration will be cooperative agreements with other countries to secure access to advanced equipment and use that to create a military that has quantity and quality. Initially we need to have the tools to defend our homeland, but longer term we should seek to be a protector of stability and freedom worldwide, so eventually we also need the ability to project our military. Finally, I also believe in rehabilitating the members of the People's Liberation Army and welcoming back those members who can still be turned back from ideological indoctrination.
Li Keqiang: The decision of Acting President Ming to fire the People's Liberation Army is nothing less than high treason. By doing so she has endangered our national security and wasted a large reserve of expertise and intelligence. My first action will be to welcome the people who were demonized unjustifiably. The next step will be creating a Committee of officers from all branches to begin developing a new military policy for the 21st century that will aid in our foreign policy objectives.
Zho Bo-Guo: While technology is taking an ever increasing role of military importance, we cannot ignore the value of raw manpower. Especially in Asia. Once I enter office I will begin the process of recruiting a million man strong Army. Once we have a ground force capable of defending China and enforcing our will elsewhere, we will begin growing our Air Force and Navy. All of this will run in parallel to the development of new military technology that will act as a force multiplier for our human advantage.
Tso Chun: China needs an advanced and capable military for its defense, but it doesn't need an army capable of world conquest. I believe that a very well trained and equipped but small Army will be more than enough to protect our territory. This force may be strengthened by an air force capable of defending our airspace and a Navy and Coast Guard that can keep enemies and criminals out of our territorial waters. At that point everything else we need is a small force to aid in peacekeeping operations. We should not seek to have a military to settle disputes, that is what international organizations such as the Global Assembly are for. A military larger than what we need for our defense will only tempt us to use it and only add to the avoidable bloodshed of war.
Chang Shui: Now, last but not least for the group questions. Since the dawn of human civilization Chinese governments have sought to establish strong centrally run governments. Whether they were the earliest dynasties such as the Shang, the Great Ming, or even the foreign usurpers in the Yuan and Qing dynasties, central government has always been the approach with a more federal form existing during times when China was divided. How will your administration approach the structure of the state keeping in mind this history, but at the same time reconciling it with the large cultural, ethnic, linguistic and religious diversity among the Chinese population?
Ming Yi: While central government has always been the overarching theme of past dynasties, another overarching theme has been tyranny. Some level of centralization is essential, after all without it we won't even be China anymore. We can have centralization without imposing our will from Beijing on the furthest reaches of the Republic. Recognizing that government should be as close to the people as possible we need to embrace local and regional autonomy. The principle of subsidiarity would work well here, where a more central government will only assume those tasks that a lower government cannot handle themselves. Applying that consistently will allow for most decisions to be taken at the municipal level and from there move up in steps so that only the largest concerns will be addressed by the national government. I would like to see regional sovereignty on the level of the United States and even further autonomy for areas such as Tibet and Xinjiang. By allowing the people to rule themselves we can make sure that China will remain united. Not through tyrannical occupation but through the people feeling recognized by their government and themselves recognizing that the government is needed to face challenges they themselves cannot.
Li Keqiang: Once again President Ming is trying to break something that has worked fine for thousands of years. When we were at the forefront of science China was a centralized state, when our ships sailed all the oceans China was a centralized state, when the Roman Empire collapsed China was still a centralized state. Under Chairman Mao, in my opinion the most prosperous time in Chinese history we were a central state. It was communist centralization that ended our century of humiliation, meanwhile federalism and fracturing of our country was what the Europeans and Americans imposed on us to weaken us and begin our humiliation.
Zho Bo-Guo: Local autonomy works well when a country is smaller and less culturally diverse. It is nice on paper but it simply does not work for China. China should be led by a strong Kuomintang government in Beijing, from there this government should have strict authority over the provinces and even autonomous regions. While there should be exceptions to allow local peoples to preserve their culture and language, when it comes to governance there needs to be central authority.
Tso Chun: Once again I find myself in agreement with President Ming. That a federal system has never been attempted in Chinese history does not make it a bad system. There are plenty of examples all over the world where federalism has brought about peace and representation for people, even shortly after civil wars. The Chinese people are diverse but we also have a shared identity, I believe this combination makes a federal approach perfect to build our state around.
Individual Questions:
Chang Shui: Thank you, now we will move on to the individual questions. All of you at home have been able to submit questions for the candidates over the past few days. From the submitted questions the most popular have been picked by our editors to be asked of the candidates directly. We will maintain the same order of candidates as we have done so far.
Starting with President Ming. Recently you made the decision to disband the People's Liberation Army and deprive all those that hadn't defected to the Republican Armed Forces of their position. Critics have called this act vindictive and as an overreach of your power as Acting President. What do you say to people who fear this is only the first example of power abuse and that more is to follow should you be elected?
Ming Yi: To them I say that I understand your concern. China has never known leaders that did not abuse their power. In a way the entire Republic of China has a form of PTSD when it comes to leaders who abuse power. I can outline a long list of reasons why I think I would not follow in my predecessors' footsteps, however the reality is that I cannot say for certain I would not. Absolute power corrupts absolutely. That is why instead I promise I will not let my power be absolute. Had we wanted to we likely could have pushed for a new One Party State. Instead of the Communists it would have been the Republicans and nothing else would have changed. Rather than doing this I pushed for democratic elections, I pushed for a strong legislature and I pushed for my power automatically being reduced after the elections. I did this so you do not need to trust that I will not abuse my power, but that I simply won't be able to abuse it.
Chang Shui: Going by current polls you are almost guaranteed the Presidency, however your Party may not be able to achieve a majority in both houses. If your party must establish a governing coalition, who would you prefer?
Ming Yi: I do not like making plans around polls, so instead I will anwer the question more generally. The Republican Party only has a few positions that it will not move on. Respect for human rights, democratic governance and a mixed market economy. Any party that shares these pillars is a party we can work with. While establishing such a coalition would be a matter for the legislature, as a member of the Republican Party I would ask my fellow party members to take these requirements with them into coalition talks and will almost certainly keep them in mind myself when we vote on a possible coalition agreement at the party conference.
Chang Shui: Much has been said about the future structure of the Republic of China, but one matter of debate that has received little attention is the matter of the capital. Nanjing has historical significance and even contemporary as the home of the democratic revolution. It also remains largely untainted by decades of communist governance, Beijing however has been our capital for much longer and has a much larger population. Other cities such as Shanghai have even larger economies and in many ways would make more sense as the capital. Where do you believe the capital should be?
Ming Yi: In many ways the reason we chose Nanjing was out of security. In the immediate aftermath of the riots and the power struggle it simply made most sense to establish our transitional government here. I do not think a city can be tainted by any specific government. While Nanjing will always hold a special place in China as the home of the democratic revolution, I do believe our capital should return to Beijing. It has the people, the infrastructure and the economy that it makes most sense as the heart of the new Republic of China.
Chang Shui: Thank you, President Ming. We will now move on to the questions for Mister Li. Mister Li, as Party Secretary of Henan Province you ruled an area far removed from central power and the most visible excesses of what many now consider tyrannical government. You are also however known as a close friend of Chairman Hu. What do you say to people who claim you were chosen by your Party not because of any particular ability but because you were one of the only candidates that could not be immediately tied to genocide?
Li Keqiang: Quite frankly miss Chang, I find this a loaded and disrespectful question. I was chosen by my party because they considered me the best candidate in a new China, and I reject the notion that my friends are the criminals you make them out to be. My party has for decades been subject to propaganda campaigns by foreign imperialists. I had hoped we had managed to keep our own people from falling for this propaganda, unfortunately this appears to be one of my party's only failures.
Chang Shui: You claim that the Communist Party is not guilty of the atrocities it has been accused of. Yet already in recent months many now released political prisoners have reported cases of torture, sexual violence, illegal executions and other atrocities. The Falun Gong in particular claim to have been exposed to arbitrary detention, organ harvesting and torture. How do you respond to these claims?
Li Keqiang: I was shocked by them, and so was the leadership of the Communist Party. If these claims are true then a gross crime has been committed agaisnt these people. If elected one of my first steps will be to form a commission to investigate these reports and bring any perpetrators to justice if evidence is found.
Chang Shui: Based on current polls it seems like your Party will not secure a majority and you will not achieve the Presidency. If the actual results echo these polls, do you believe the Communist Party should take up a role as opposition party or support a majority government?
Li Keqiang: While negotiation is something our party is open to, we cannot betray our core values. Based on the polls no coalition government is possible that does not compromise our values. As such I do believe that in such a scenario we should assume our role as the leader of the opposition.
Chang Shui: Thank you mister Li, moving on to mister Zho now. Mister Zho, much has been said about the return of the Kuomintang. Many have pointed out its close connections to the original Kuomintang that was exiled to Taiwan and even in particular the three quarters of your own life that you have lived in Taiwan. Many Chinese citizens believe that the Kuomintang is now a foreign movement that has lost legitimacy as the party for a Republican China. How do you respond to the claims that you and your party act more act foreign agents than Chinese?
Zho Bo-Guo: Thank you miss Chang. For one I will say that I do not recognize Taiwan as seperate of China. In fact the One China Policy is a cornerstone of Kuomintang policy. As a result even if we were agents from the Taipei branch of the Kuomintang it would still not be foreign. I would say that if anything it is the Republican Party who is acting as a foreign agent by President Ming's decision to consider Taiwan independent.
Chang Shui: The second most popular question for you is directly connected to the first. The Kuomintang has been banned for decades and while it used to be the governing party for Republican China, the party has had no mainland presence since 1949. Other parties can point to underground movements that have existed for decades and allowed for a quick party machine to mobilize, however your party has only been able to do so for two months now. How do you address the concerns that the Kuomintang is not ready to govern?
Zho Bo-Guo: Yes it is true that we have long been banned by the Communists. However the ideas of the Kuomintang have never been gone. There is a reason we became the first movement to govern the Republic of China and why we were the largest force against the Communists. We have been waiting in the shadows, ready to return once the time was right. I will also point out that unlike any party other than the Communists we are the only party this cycle that has ever governed a country.
Chang Shui: You maintain a strong attachment to the One China Policy. While the Communists are clear that they pursue integration of Taiwan by force, your own program is less clear on how you plan to achieve integration. How do you envision reunification and the establishment of a true One China?
Zho Bo-Guo: We are not the only ones advocating a One China Policy, even Taipei has never pursued independence as Taiwan. We will seek diplomatic dialogue with Taipei and bring about a negotiated unification of a single Republic of China covering the mainland, the islands, Hong Kong and Macau.
Chang Shui: Thank you mister Zho, moving on to and concluding with Miss Tso. The Jiusian Society was one of the few parties allowed to exist as part of the People's Republic of China. For much of the country's existence you were considered little more than a different branch of the same party. How do you address claims of collaboration and do you consider yourself responsible for atrocities under the Communist government.
Tso Chun: Thank you miss Chang. I am going to be honest here and say some things that even some of my fellow party members will not be happy about. Regardless of how we justified it to ourselves, as one of the eight minor parties we are responsible for the crimes of the communists. While we never had the ability to actually stop atrocities, we added some form of legitimacy to them. We chose to take the role we did as we believed that from inside the power we would be best positioned to defend the interests of the Chinese people as well as we could. I still think our contribution did more good than bad, but yes we do need to accept our role in the past government and face the consequences of those actions. The Jiusan Society will cooperate with any future investigation. Whether it serves to document history or impose justice on those responsible.
Chang Shui: Miss Tso, you are in the unique position that while you are almost guaranteed to not win the Presidential election, the Jiusan Society will likely be large enough that you can act as a kingmaker by providing a governing coalition with a majority. Which party do you feel best aligns with your plans and would you want to support?
Tso Chun: Yes, I would need to be delusional to think I will become President next month. However I do see our role as vital to the democratic mechanisms of our new Republic. There is much overlap with a large number of parties, but when it comes to it I do believe the Republican Party is the closest aligned to our values. Combined with my deep and sincere respect for President Ming, I personally would advocate for the Jiusan Society to help secure her government a legislative majority.
Chang Shui: Connected to the last question, if the current CCTV poll ends up matching the electoral results where President Ming wins the Presidential Election while the Republican Party secures a majority in the Senate and is just short of one in the House of Representatives. If President Ming were to call you to ask for your support in the House, what would you want in return?
Tso Chun: I appreciate the question but I do think we are getting ahead of ourselves here and I cannot entirely disclose my party's negotiating plans. However I would want some percentage of our electoral program become part of the coalition agreement and would want Jiusan Society members be part of her cabinet.
Foreign Press:
Chang Shui: Thank you miss Tso. Now we will move on to the second to last stage of tonight's debate. We have heard the candidates speak, we have heard the people speak through their online questions, now we shall open the floor to the foreign press to ask questions of the candidates as a group or individually.
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