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Hungary: A New Grand Bargain

S

Szalakóta

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April 4, 2006

MDSZP Party Headquarters
(& PM Ferenc Gyertyán’s headspace)


Budapest, Hungary


The room is finally quiet. Only the City murmurs in the background – distant traffic, people and dog’s voice from Republic Square, a siren wailing somewhere along Rákóczi Avenue. Inside, a mess. Papers, poll numbers, coffee-stained briefing notes covering the table. Bullet points on the whiteboard. The scent of alcohol markers in the air.

A dull headache. The Prime Minister rubs his temple, his palm slick with sweat.

This is where years of patience, scheming, and confidence games have brought him. His brief career in the Communist Youth League, the wealth acquired during the post-Communist transition, a decade in the private sector, and finally – his return to politics and the outmanoeuvring of his predecessor (that fool!) in intra-party fights.

And now? An eminently winnable election in a week, and still everything hanging by a thread. His stomach twists.

He inherited a mess. He knew it, but pretended otherwise. Meggyess (that fool!) lavished the country in money to fulfil campaign promises no same leader could afford to honour. Sure, nurses and civil servants deserved better. But not at the cost of the budget spiralling into oblivion by midterm.

What a moron!

Gyertyán was almost shaking in anger. If Meggyess (that fool!) waited just a year or two, that money could have secured us the 2006 election. Going on a fiscal spending spree before elections is fine. Doing that for an entire four-year term – destroys the economy. And now Gyertyán was supposed to make corrections. To implement austerity measures. A foolproof way to lose 2006. To hand over the country to that c*nt Urbán.

That was not an option. He was an idealist, but also a pragmatist. He believed that only the Left can move things forward in this goddamn country, but to do that, they had to win elections first. So, he made no correction. He was playing along. He almost perished because of how hard he had to pretend for 18 months that he was governing. He swept the problems under the carpet until the junk pile has become more like a mountain. The skeletons in the cabinet an Army of the Undead. All waiting to rise and devour him.

And now elections are imminent. Urbán and the Right are beatable. That’s not the problem. The problem is what comes after.

Because even if Gyertyán wins, what begins is the war to unf*ck the country. Will his own party back him? Of course not. MSZDP is full of opportunists who care more about their travel reimbursements than whether pensioners can afford medication or Roma kids can go to college. His coalition partners, the Liberals? They are loose cannons. Pro-market reforms are necessary, but they must be sugar-coated, not rammed through with neoliberal zeal – which is what they always demand.

Anyhow, either austerity measured kick in in six months, or the country does bankrupt in twelve. And then Urbán and his right-wing goons come back with a two-third constitution-rewriting supermajority. Hopefully only in 2010. Sooner if it comes to holding emergency elections. Hell, he might just take matters to the street. Yes. He’ll burn the Parliament Building down on top of us!

Gyertyán clenches his jaws. Everyone knows what Urbán is. An autocrat at heart. When he was in power in 1998-2002, he already tried to build his own little kingdom and… well… recapitalise his family by any corrupt means necessary. Then, when he lost, he refused to concede. He came up with the ridiculous idea that they deserve to be in power because they are the ‘national side’ of Hungarian politics. The national side! As if everyone else wasn’t. F*ck them! If Urbán comes back now and gets to re-write the Constitution, he’ll drag the country down in the Deep Balkans. No, in post-Soviet Central Asia.

Urbán mustn’t win now and mustn’t win in four years. And he mustn’t be let to lead a popular revolt against us. So, what to do?

A grand bargain. A new Great Compromise. 1867 reloaded.

I must beat Urbán and then negotiate from a position of strength. To contain him. To disarm him and give him a stake in the system before he turns his base against the Republic for good. But what can we offer?

The Prime Minister’s mind races. Urbán is no fool and he won’t fall for something purely symbolic. He’ll feel he needs to demonstrate to his base that he has defeated the ‘Commies’. What is more than a symbol but not too dangerous in Urbán’s hand?

Maybe if he gets to become the symbol? Like, the Presidency, with some extra policy role and a riverside panorama in the Buda Castle added? Hey friend, do you want to be the embodiment of Hungary’s entire democratic experiment? This could actually work. After all, other than a sharp political mind, Urbán is also a massive narcissist. He could commit suicide by jumping off his ego. He could now become the father of the nation. A mini-Atatürk. A pocked e Gaulle. A bonsai Kekkonen. This would massage his self-worth.

But keep real power in Parliament. With me as Prime Minister. Urbán can summon me to the Castle whenever he likes, but if he’s brought on board now, he won’t have a supermajority in four years. And then the danger is averted. The Republic survives.

Of course, it’s still dangerous. Gyertyán lied and pretended his way through so much, and it’s now catching up to him. Urbán may well just call his bluff. But there is no choice.

A grand bargain then. Well, tomorrow is the prime ministerial debate. Urbán thrives in one-sided conflicts, but he really folds under pressure. I could DESTROY him on the floor!

But no. Gyertyán will not go full wrecking ball. Not this time. Tomorrow, the Prime Minister will be measured and civil. Urbán may burn bridges, but he won’t. We need to remain on speaking terms.

I must vomit.
 
S

Szalakóta

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April 11, 2006

MDSZP Party Headquarters
Secret party leadership huddle

Budapest, Hungary
Participants:
  • Ferenc Gyertyán, Prime Minister of Hungary
  • István Heller, President of MSZDP
  • László Kováts, Vice President of MSZDP
  • Imre Kerekes, Vice President of MSZDP & Campaign Head
  • Ildikó Lévay, Leader of MSZDP’s Parliamentary Group
  • Péter Kish, Minister of the PM’s Office, Leader of MSZDP’s Left-Wing Platform

*

The room is dimly lit, the air tense. There’s no coffee on the table. No preparations. Secrecy was absolute. PM Ferenc Gyertyán stands at the head of the table, scanning the room, looking each of his trusted colleagues – as well as the less trusted ones – in the eye.

GYERTYÁN: Alright. Let’s get straight to the point. We’ve made it this far, but this is no time to relax. The first round of the election showed us that we’re not invincible, and the Right’s forces are growing. But we are still the favourites. In the second round, we’re gonna win. I guarantee that. The question is: what happens after that? And what kind of Hungary we’re going to govern.

The Leadership is waiting with mild interest. No big surprises so far. Gyertyán continues.

We’re facing an ugly reality, and we all know that. Austerity is coming. That’s not a question, that’s a fact. And yes, it’ll be painful for the people, for our base, and for us, politically. We knew this all along the campaign.

Now, the uncomfortable shifting in chairs begins. The PM is unperturbed.

Yes, we did. But we must make these decisions. We’re not here to play short-sighted, self-interested politics. Not here because we’ve forgotten how to polish cars for a living. That’s not what running this f*cking country is about. And yes, I know, if we implement austerity measures Urbán and his team will have us hanged on the lampposts right outside Parliament Building. But we don’t have to bear all the responsibility. In fact, I have a great idea with whom we should share this terrible burden with. Who better than our friends in IDESZ?

Mild laughter. Then smiles freezing on faces.

Yes, ha-ha. No, that’s serious. Think. If we want to survive as a party, we must be credible when we put blame for our decisions on IDESZ. That only works if we go in bed with them. That means either a Grand Coalition or Urbán as President of the Republic. If we’re unlucky and they play hardball, then both. That way we would bear the brunt together. If we keep governing with the Liberals only, we will face a wipe-out in 2010.

He looks around, this time like he actually waits for feedback.

Péter Kish speaks first. A short, chubby, balding, moustached, charisma vacuum who in 2006 looks like a mid-level Communist cadre from 1976. But he leads the Left-Wing Platform, and almost got ahead of Gyertyán in the 2004 leadership race. So, he must be taken seriously.


KISH: Ferenc, I’m not sure I follow. We fought for years, just won the first round, and I take your word we will win the second. Why share power with anyone, and Urbán’s IDESZ of all people? Yes, austerity is coming, but we’ll weather it. We have four years to make sure we win again in 2010.

GYERTYÁN: Péter, we have north of four hundred billion Forints to save. You understand? Not fifty. Not a hundred. Four hundred, and that’s if I’m optimistic. This will be massive. This fiscal correction will very, very thoroughly f*ck us in 2010. Thank my predecessor for it. You selected me to lead the Social Democrats through this, and I have won you an election. OK, I will have, in two weeks. Now I’m telling you we need someone to share the blame with. SZDF won’t do. They are too small and too un-serious. We must lure Urbán into willingly taking part of the blame. We must give him a stake. I’m telling you this. I, who beat him. Either this, now, or in 2010 he will be in a position to undo the entire democratic experiment.

István Heller speaks. His rhotacism is quite comical, but he is probably the smartest person in the room. Not the most respected, for sure, but that is all the more reason to keep him in the Leadership. He is a mix of insightful feedback offered and little threat posed.

HELLER: Alright, Ferenc. We’re in a pickle. But there are two problems with your plan. It will go either of two ways, and I’m not sure which one is worse. First, why on earth would Urbán even entertain joining us? The ‘post-Commies’? His own people would have him hanged for that. He’ll just use our opening against us. And if he does come on board? That’s like transplanting the cancer from the thumb to the lung. We ourselves would put him in a position where he could destroy the Republic.

GYERTYÁN: Got that. I really do. Trust me. But we have no choice. We make Urbán President so we can live to fight another day. We may even have to slightly extend the President’s constitutional role. But the true power will still remain with us in Parliament. We’re the majority. We’re the Government. He will meddle with foreign policy and appoint a few high officials. Fine, whatever. Next time we can field someone against him. As for why he would take our offer now. Because he is a pathological narcissist. It is his vanity we can use against him. He’ll take the Presidency, the grand title. He craves for that national recognition. We can give it to him. He can pose as Father of the Nation. For all I care, history books can refer to the coming decades as the ‘Urbán Era’. Well, he does care about it. That’s what we will use – to control him.

Lévay speaks up. Like Heller, very intelligent, but this time she’s stating the obvious.

LÉVAY: Look boys. Let’s say I don’t hate this whole idea. But half my parliamentary group will, and that’s on a good day. This will tear us apart. This is a civil war waiting to happen. Let’s say we can get a deal out of Urbán. The austerity measures would be a big enough test for our unity. How do we hold things down in the National Assembly when the knives really get out?

GYERTYÁN: This is why we need absolute unity within this room. And absolute secrecy for the time being. Now, if we have these two things, if the Leadership is united, I believe that the backbenchers will follow us. Same for the regional party bosses. We need an absolutely unified leadership, and we need a steady hand in the leadership of the parliamentary group. That means you, Ildikó.

LÉVAY: Not a thankful job.

GYERTYÁN: Not one anyone else could do.

Kováts speaks up. Elder party leader, former Chairman, cautious. He is keen on recovering his old influence, wherever that takes him. He asks what the Prime Minister expected to come up sooner but was not looking forward to.

KOVÁTS: On that note, Ferenc, if I may ask. Where is Katalin [Szilly]? She is Speaker of the National Assembly. I was under the assumption she has a place in these sorts of discussion.

The PM’s eyes narrow.

GYERTYÁN: Yes, on that note. I didn’t invite her. This discussion must stay within this room for the time being. It’s not intended for either the press or Urbán’s team. Sorry but I will be blunt. We cannot afford leaks. Katalin poses a risk in that regard. She’ll be fine though. If we do start co-operating with IDESZ, the National Assembly will be all the more important as an epicentre of politics. She’ll be happy to see that. But this is a war council and not a committee. I need unity here, let’s just say that.

Short silence.

KEREKES: Okay, let’s say the party remains united. What about the coalition partner? They won’t be happy.

GYERTYÁN: Probably not. If we go into a Grand Coalition with IDESZ, SZDF may very well abandon us. But trust me, it will be better to have them in opposition than Urbán’s IDESZ. The Liberals will not have the streets lit up in fire.

KEREKES: What about the timeline? When do we make these moves? I mean both the fiscal correction and the reaching out to IDESZ. Just so that we’re on the same page.

GYERTYÁN: Fast. The second we win the second round we reach out to Urbán. Right when his self-confidence is at the lowest. Then on day one we start working on the fiscal corrections. We’re in a race against time. We literally will have weeks to bring bills to the Parliament’s floor if we want reforms to kick in this year.

More silence.

GYERTYÁN: Again, and I cannot stress this enough: we need absolute unity. If you do not believe we can do this together, I am not married to my position. If you believe there is anyone else in this room or in the parliamentary group who has a better plan for leadership than I, I’m fine with that. We can repeat the prime ministerial casting, all over again, and I can retire to write great f*cking books about the modern Hungarian Left. So, any questions? Any objections?

Again silence, but this time it’s brief.

KEREKES: No objection here.

HELLER: No objection.

LÉVAY: I’ll do my part. But I will need all your support, Ferenc. I’m not walking through this in the parliamentary group alone. Is that clear?

GYERTYÁN: Crystal. László, Péter?

KOVÁTS: No objection. But this is a bold strategy, and responsibility for it should be clear.

GYERTYÁN: Crystal. Péter?

KISH: If this is the unanimous decision, I am on board. But this is going to test every bit of our unity. I will do my best to preserve it. But the Left-Wing Platform will demand a very solid justification.

Exhaled air from multiple mouths.

GYERTYÁN: Okay. Let’s get started. Let’s make this work!
 
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