Thailand to the United States | A Call

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In the silent sanctuary of the United States Presidential office, a telephone shattered the calm. Its ring, unassuming yet urgent, signaled an incoming emergency call. On its advanced screen, a clear indicator: the Prime Minister of the Republic of Thailand was on the line. Simultaneously, a flurry of messages, secure and discreet, cascaded through the intricate network of the President's offices. Each one bore the same urgent tidings, ensuring the crisis at hand commanded the President's immediate and undivided attention.

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[Odinson]

Private​

The White House switchboard noticed an incoming call from Thailand. The Thai call was asked to please hold, as the President was asleep right now since it was 3:00 in the morning in Washington D.C. President Gore was woken up by a trusted member of his West Wing staff. The President was careful not to wake the First Lady, got up, and put on a pair of jeans and an old Yale sweatshirt that he had owned since he was in college. He put on his expensive night slippers, which were lined with wool on the inside, and walked out into the hallway of the Residence portion of the White House complex. He was tailed by Secret Service and his Chief of Staff, who had slept at the White House that night, as he made his way to the West Wing. Luckily, Secretary of State Jackson Fitzgerald was already awake. He made the short trip to the White House and joined the President in the Oval Office (albeit much better dressed).

Twenty minutes after the Thai call came in, the President was seated behind the Resolute desk in the Oval Office, with Secretary Fitzgerald seated opposite of him. The call was pushed through to the Oval Office, which was a secure line.

"This is President Gore, on speaker-phone with the Secretary of State, Jackson Fitzgerald," Al said as he rubbed his eyes a bit. The President's chief of staff silently brought him, and Secretary Fitzgerald, both a cup of coffee to drink while they were on the phone call. Gore checked his watch and waited for a response while Secretary Fitzgerald waited with a notepad and ink pen.

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The clock in Bangkok showed 3:20 PM when United States President Gore answered the call. On the other end, Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra was not alone. Flanked by his Foreign Minister, Surakiart Sathirathai, and his assistant, Minnie, the team presented a picture of formal readiness, each impeccably dressed in the attire that marked their daily commitment to their roles. In the background, the subtle hum of sophisticated technology punctuated the air. Every word of this conversation, laden with the weight of international relations, would be securely recorded for posterity. It was a routine protocol, yet in this instance, it underscored the gravity of the dialogue about to unfold between these two leaders.

The sharp click of the telephone connection broke the silence, bridging continents in an instant. "Hello, this is Thaksin Shinawatra, Prime Minister of the Republic of Thailand," came the clear, composed voice from one side of the world. There was a brief pause, a moment of mutual recognition between the two leaders before he continued. His tone carried the weight of his position, respectful yet assertive, ready to engage in the dialogue that awaited.

"President Gore," Thaksin Shinawatra commenced, his voice steady yet imbued with a respectful urgency. In the background, his Foreign Minister and assistant, Minnie, listened intently through their headphones, their expressions reflecting the gravity of the situation. "I must apologize for the late hour of this call," he continued, his tone laced with genuine regret. "However, the urgency of the matter at hand compelled me to reach out immediately." His words conveyed not just the importance of the conversation but also a deep respect for the time and attention of the President.

"Quite frankly," Thaksin Shinawatra began, his voice carrying a hint of solemnity. Around him, the tension was palpable, as his Foreign Minister and assistant Minnie waited in silent anticipation. "We have received intelligence reports indicating the presence of an American Carrier Strike Group in the Bay of Bengal." The weight of these words hung in the air, unveiling the crux of the matter. He paused briefly, choosing his next words with care. "It appears there's been a significant miscommunication involving our Armed Forces, and perhaps even extending to our respective administrations," he added, his tone reflecting both the seriousness of the situation and a willingness to seek understanding and resolution.

"I seek clarity on the intentions behind the deployment of an American Carrier Strike Group in the Bay of Bengal," Thaksin Shinawatra stated, his tone firm yet measured. His Foreign Minister and assistant, Minnie, were fully engrossed, diligently noting every word. "Our intelligence indicates the presence of at least 15 American vessels operating in the vicinity. This has raised considerable concern," he continued, his voice steady but underscored with a hint of urgency. "Our Maritime Awareness Domain system has detected such a large and technologically advanced force, which is understandably alarming for us." His conclusion echoed the seriousness of the situation, highlighting the need for transparency and dialogue.

"Our apprehension stems from the potential disruption this deployment could cause to maritime trade and, more broadly, the stability of our region," Thaksin Shinawatra articulated, his fingers tapping lightly yet rhythmically on the table, a physical manifestation of the tension in the air. "As you're aware, Southeast Asia has witnessed a series of upheavals since the dissolution of the United Nations and the repercussions that followed within the International Court of Justice."

He sighed, a sound that carried the weight of the region's troubled history. Leaning back slightly, he allowed himself a moment of reflection. "I'm sure the memories of the Rattanakosin Empire and the Fourth Indochina War are still fresh. It hasn't even been a decade," he added, his voice tinged with a mix of solemnity and a subtle plea for understanding. Thaksin glanced upward, thinking of the fragile peace that they had been painstakingly built.

"Whether this situation stems from a misunderstanding or is a result of deliberate action," Thaksin Shinawatra said, his gaze momentarily drifting towards his Foreign Minister and assistant, seeking a silent consensus. "I suggest that both our nations consider pausing or redirecting our respective activities in the Bay of Bengal as a measure to de-escalate tensions during our diplomatic talks."

"I wish to reiterate our steadfast commitment to peace," Thaksin Shinawatra stated, his voice imbued with both solemnity and a calming assurance. "Thailand harbors no strategic or national ambition that would lead us to seek military confrontation with any country, the United States included."

His voice carried a blend of firmness and diplomacy, highlighting the gravity of the situation. "Furthermore," he continued, "establishing dedicated communication lines between Bangkok and Washington – hotlines for government and military officials – could pave the way for clearer dialogue and assist in resolving this issue." He concluded, taking a deep, measured breath, visibly processing the weight of his own words and the potential impact they held.

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[Odinson]

Private​

Because of a recent incident where the Thai government published private diplomatic communications, the White House was reluctant to even engage in diplomatic negotiations (or even a phone call like this). However, the President was the ultimate decided, and his decision was to go forward with it. With that being said, the President knew to speak knowing that the Thai government could just publish everything that he said in this conversation.

"Prime Minister," Gore said. The President sounded tired, "Multiple American aircraft carriers, and their escorts, are operating around the world right now. American aircraft carriers have operated in the Bay of Bengal numerous times before, this is not an unusual occurrence. There is something I want to discuss first...

"What has been unusual and outrageous is the conduct of your Coast Guard. Your Coast Guard has broadcasted the location of numerous American warships, including our carrier, in international waters under the guise that they are somehow under duress or in distress. That is utter nonsense, and you know it. That single American carrier strike group has more firepower, aircraft, and sailors than most individual countries on this planet have. To state that our carrier strike group has somehow been taken hostage or that they are in distress because they did not respond to a single Thai Coast Guard vessel hailing them is beyond ridiculous, and an obviously malicious statement that your Coast Guard used to broadcast the location of our fleet which has put the lives of American sailors at risk.

"Secondly I, the American People, and the United States Armed Forces have no ill intent towards you or your country. We are operating in international waters in places we have regularly operated in the past. I truly am not trying to insult you, or your government, but the actions of your military and Coast Guard in regard to this situation have been hyper-paranoid. The Australians, the Chinese, and the Japanese have not overreacted like your armed forces has to the presence of the American Navy - I do not understand why your government and your armed forces are acting this way.

"Thirdly, the American Navy is in the area because we have patrolled global oceans since the end of World War Two to ensure global free trade and international stability. The carrier strike group is doing nothing to obstruct or hinder international, or regional, commerce. I am told, in fact, that the carrier strike group has specifically taken routes in order to avoid commercial ships.

"Now, in regard to dedicated communication lines between Bangkok and Washington.... I wish we had that, maybe we would not be in the situation that we are in now if we did. But, your government failed to protect our embassy in Bangkok. It was bombed and Americans were killed. I have no intentions to reopen our embassy any time soon because I do not think your government has the capacity to reasonably protect it from threats.... So that is one critical line of communication we do not have. But, there are other lines that we could have, such as conversations like this or between other representatives in our government. What makes the United States government, and probably every other government in the world, reluctant from having those lines of diplomatic communication with you is that your government has a history of publicizing confidential diplomatic communications.... To put it simply, if the American government can't trust the Thai government to keep our conversations confidential, even when we disagree or we are outright angry with each other, then that makes even the idea of conversation itself unattractive. So now that's another form of communication we are unable to have....

"Prime Minister, what I am trying to tell you is that your government has both directly and indirectly hindered its ability to engage in diplomacy with the United States, and other countries. The situation that we are in right now was going to inevitably happen because your government has, over time, eroded the ability of our governments to confidently conduct diplomacy. Misunderstandings like this lead to conflict, which can lead to war. I am telling you all of this not to insult you, but because I believe that you want the best for the Thai people, and the only way you can do that is if you communicate and work with other countries.

"Have I addressed your concerns, or are some things still unclear?" the President asked. Gore was not done, there was still more he wanted to say, but he decided to give his Thai counterpart an opportunity to respond.

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During President Gore's speech, Prime Minister Thaksin was the embodiment of focused attentiveness. Each word from the American leader seemed to echo profoundly within him. Before this pivotal moment, Thaksin had convened with the Director of the National Intelligence Agency—a clandestine meeting where he, as the overseer of the agency, had emphatically insisted on absolute secrecy for their ensuing conversation. This urgency stemmed not just from the gravity of the moment, but also as a response to a series of diplomatic missteps by the Thai Government. These blunders had triggered a sweeping reform, a tidal wave of change that now permeated every corner of the nation's governmental institutions. Thaksin's demeanor during the speech—a mix of solemnity and resolve—reflected the weight of these changes and the burden of decisions made in shadowed rooms.

As President Gore yielded the floor, Thaksin's finger gently tapped on the table, a subtle but meaningful gesture. His voice, when he spoke, was imbued with a solemnity that resonated with sincerity. "President Gore," he commenced, each word carefully weighed. "Your honesty and willingness to engage with us, despite our recent blunders, is something I hold in high regard."

He paused, allowing his words to settle, his head nodding slightly in affirmation of his statements.

"The actions of our Coast Guard have been, regrettably, less than exemplary," Thaksin continued, his tone shifting to one of frank admission. "And for our Navy's excessive response to the deployment of your Carrier Strike Group, I offer my sincerest apologies." His candor was palpable, reflecting a genuine remorse. Nearby, the Thai Foreign Minister and Thaksin's aide observed intently, their focus undivided, understanding the gravity of each uttered word.

Thaksin's expression held a blend of earnestness and resolution as he spoke, his words echoing a deep-seated sincerity. "Let me be unequivocally clear: neither I personally nor the Thai Government under my leadership harbor any animosity towards your nation or its people. This sentiment is a mirror of our people’s feelings," he declared, pausing momentarily to receive a note from his assistant.

He glanced at the note, then continued, a hint of weariness in his voice. "Thailand is in the throes of significant domestic reforms, a task both monumental and fraught with challenges." He sighed softly, his hand momentarily resting on his forehead, a gesture of the weight he carried.

"The path we tread is akin to a cat and mouse game, fraught with obstacles in our journey towards constitutional reformation," he confessed, handing back the note. His gaze, steady and sincere, met those of his counterparts. "It would be immensely beneficial if the United States could extend a helping hand, offering guidance in our decentralization efforts." His request, underscored by a genuine concern for his nation and the future of Thai-US relations, hung in the air, he always endorses the commitment to progress and collaboration.

Thaksin's stance shifted subtly as he addressed the crucial matter of communication between Bangkok and Washington. "Despite past missteps, I strongly advocate for the preservation of a dedicated line between our nations," he stated, his voice carrying a newfound assertiveness, yet tempered with respect. "Recent revelations from our National Intelligence Agency's internal division have come to my attention, and I am disheartened to acknowledge their deteriorating conduct." His admission was forthright, addressing issues of national security with an unflinching honesty.

"I propose an unprecedented step: welcoming United States intelligence operations within the NIA, particularly in the sector managing our direct hotline," he continued, pausing to receive a note from his Foreign Minister. Thaksin's eyes scanned the note before he spoke again. "I am more than willing to consider any suggestions from your side, should they aid in smoothing our diplomatic relations." His offer was sincere, a clear indication of his commitment to fostering a stronger, more transparent partnership with the United States.

Thaksin refocused the conversation, his tone contemplative yet decisive. "Regarding the recent embassy bombing, I propose a collaborative approach," he suggested, smoothly handing the note back to his foreign minister. "Given the proximity of your Carrier Strike Group, perhaps the U.S. Navy could assist in extraditing those responsible from Thailand."

In a fleeting moment, his eyes briefly closed, hinting at the depth of his strategic thinking. Upon reopening them, he continued with renewed resolve. "If agreeable to you," he stated, maintaining a balance of firmness and respect in his voice. "Thailand is prepared to host a joint military exercise in the Bay of Bengal, specifically incorporating the U.S. Navy's Carrier Strike Group." After a brief pause, he nodded affirmatively, a subtle yet meaningful gesture.

"This could be a pivotal step towards reigniting the spirit of cooperation that once flourished between our nations, reminiscent of the times before the United Nations' dissolution." A light chuckle escaped him, not one of humor, but of optimistic foresight, as he envisioned a renewed partnership taking shape.

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"I appreciate your honesty and straightforwardness regarding this situation," President Gore said.

"While a direct hotline between your office and my office may not be necessary, I'm sure that Secretary Fitzgerald can find someone to act as the official liaison between our countries with a direct hotline, if needed. The State Department can get that information to you later," the President said as he rubbed his face, hoping that he would be able to get a few more hours of sleep that morning.

"While I appreciate your offer for a joint exercise in the Bay of Bengal, the carrier is not in the region for a military exercise. It is merely on a patrol and protect mission right now. The carrier group is going to transit the Strait of Malacca. Provided that the Thai Coast Guard and armed forces do not harass or interfere with the transit, I assure you that there will not be any problems. But, rest assured, that fleet is the most formidable one on Earth and is more than capable of defending itself and taking care of threats..." Gore said, making it clear that the United States means no harm, but that it will not tolerate further harassment.

"Finally, we could conduct a limited operation where personnel from the carrier group fly into Thailand to extradite the prisoners. Could we send some helicopters to Phang Nga Naval Base?" he asked.

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"Certainly, if that's your wish, I'll acquiesce," Thaksin responded, subtly nodding to convey his assent to President Gore's proposal. "Maybe it's best for our Foreign Affairs leaders to take this forward? Although not immediately. I've encroached upon your rest enough as it is," he added, his voice a blend of neutrality and empathy. "I believe Minister Surakiart and Secretary Fitzgerald would make an excellent team."

Thaksin paused, weighing President Gore's proposal with a discerning ear. After a moment of thoughtful silence, he responded, "Indeed, you may deploy helicopters from your carrier strike group to our Phang Nga Naval Base. It stands as the pinnacle of our naval capabilities on both the Andaman and Malacca Strait fronts." His voice carried an undertone of strategic consideration, acknowledging the gravity of the decision.

Thaksin leaned forward, his expression etched with a blend of earnestness and gravity. "I have one crucial inquiry," he began, his voice laced with both suggestion and solemnity. "Is your administration willing to revive the diplomatic ties that bind our nations?" His words carried a note of sincere hope. "While the Canadian embassy currently represents the United States in Thailand, shouldn't our Thai Embassy in Washington remain operational?" He paused, allowing the significance of his words to resonate. "I firmly believe, in fact, it's a conviction, that both our countries—and indeed the world—would immensely benefit from a rekindled and positive relationship between the Republic of Thailand and the United States of America."

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"I am open to the Thai Embassy in Washington reopening, however I feel that is a discussion that we should have another time. I appreciate that you have made this phone call and that we were able to make some progress. If you have any questions in the meantime, do not hesitate to have your government contact Secretary Fitzgerald's office. Thank you for your concern and for reaching out - diplomacy, in all cases, is better than the alternative," President Gore said. If there was nothing else to discuss, the President would end the phone call and he would go back to sleep while Secretary Fitzgerald, who was a mad Irishman, would get to work at the State Department's headquarters which were not too far away.

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