The Crescent and the Eagle

[Jay]

Private​

To The Honorable Senators Robert Jones and Susan Anderson.

Dear Senators Jones and Anderson,

As proud Turkish-Americans and constituents who deeply value the principles of democracy, we write to you with grave concern about the deteriorating state of democratic institutions in Türkiye. The government’s increasing authoritarianism, marked by the erosion of judicial independence, suppression of opposition voices, and curtailment of media freedoms, threatens not only the future of Türkiye but also the broader struggle for democratic values worldwide.

California is home to one of the largest and most vibrant Turkish-American populations in the United States. Our community includes professionals, students, entrepreneurs, engineers, and academics who enrich the state's cultural, economic, and intellectual life. Turkish Americans in California have contributed to the advancement of technology in Silicon Valley, groundbreaking research in leading universities such as Stanford and UCLA, and a thriving small business sector. Through restaurants, festivals, and cultural institutions, we help bring the richness of Turkish heritage into California’s diverse fabric.

Our presence here reflects the deep and historic relationship between the United States and Türkiye. Diplomatic ties were first established in 1831, and Turkey has a loyal NATO ally until its dissolution in 1995, supporting US forces in Iraq, Korea, and in the defense against communism. It has remained a key player in the region for decades. The relationship has long been grounded in mutual interests, shared strategic goals, and people-to-people connections. from educational exchange programs to robust economic ties.

Türkiye was once seen as a hopeful example of secular democracy in the Muslim world. Today, however, it is slipping dangerously toward one-party rule under a regime that continues to silence dissent, arrest journalists, and manipulate elections. This political trajectory is undermining the will of the Turkish people and poses serious consequences for regional stability.

We urge you to raise this issue publicly and persistently. The United States must not remain silent. Our country has long stood as a beacon of liberty, and that moral leadership is more critical now than ever. If we do not champion democratic values abroad, especially in nations with which we have strong historical and strategic ties, we risk ceding that leadership to authoritarian models being advanced in various parts of the world.

It is deeply troubling to see governments like those in Türkiye embrace increasingly centralized control while disregarding democratic norms. If the U.S. fails to stand firm, we may lose our voice to other global powers and ideologies that offer a far less free and open vision of the future.

If America, the arsenal of democracy and the leader of the free world, cedes ground to a rising, Thai-led socialist order, it risks forfeiting the very foundation upon which global freedom and stability rest. In the absence of U.S. leadership, authoritarian ideologies will fill the vacuum, threatening individual liberty, economic openness, and regional peace. As President Ronald Reagan once said, "Freedom is never more than one generation away from extinction. It must be fought for, protected, and handed on." If we retreat from that responsibility now, we may find ourselves in a world where neither freedom nor peace can endure.

We respectfully request that you:

• Speak out against the suppression of democracy in Türkiye in the Senate and in public forums.
• Speak with the President to formulate a plan to support the pro-democracy movement and restore democratic norms to Türkiye
• Support legislative efforts that support economic development programs for Türkiye while tying U.S. foreign aid and arms sales to the protection of democratic standards and human rights.
• Advocate for stronger diplomatic pressure on the Turkish government to restore political freedoms, including the release of political prisoners and free, fair elections.

Thank you for your attention to this urgent matter. We remain hopeful that with your leadership, the United States will continue to inspire and support those who strive for freedom and democratic governance around the world.

Sincerely,
Turkish American National Steering Committee (TASC), Atatürk Society of America (ASA), National Coalition of Turkish American Women Political Action Committee (NC-TAW PAC), American Turkish Political Action Committee (ATPAC)

Odinson

 

[Odinson]

Public​

Both senators Robert Jones and Susan Anderson were relatively new Democratic senators from the State of California who were trying to make names for themselves and become permanent figures in American politics. Because they were both United States Senators and from America's most populace state, they did have a large platform to speak from. Both senators spoke on the floor of the Senate about the state of Turkey. Senator Jones took the more hardline approach of saying that the United States should have never allowed a communist government to arise in Turkey after all of the effort that the allies went through the liberate Turkey from its former dictatorship in the early 2000s. Senator Anderson more directly stated that the United States should now be making efforts to directly help push forward the moderate, democratic, secular supporters in Turkey who could make the country a modern, functioning, republic that could be more friendly to the West and, therefore, the United States.

Senator Anderson took a more nuanced approach to the topic because, in part, she was on the United States Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. This was one of the most coveted committees in the Senate and held significant power in congress when it came to shaping American foreign policy. For example, she was not only part of a Senate committee that could call on witnesses to testify before congress, but she was also read in on classified briefings from American security agencies when it came to global events. She had a more intimate knowledge of what was going on in Turkey than Senator Jones. For a week, Senator Anderson continued to push the situation in Turkey in the Senate and the press. This started to get the attention of other members of congress as well as the mainstream media who began running stories on the situation in Turkey domestically. Slowly, the American public started to become more informed on what was happening in Turkey.

Secret​

Senator Anderson was able to steal fifteen minutes with President Sinclair when he was visiting the Capitol Building in Washington D.C. It wasn't a secret that President Sinclair preferred to focus on matters at home and that the international community was taking a backseat to his domestic agenda, but Sinclair was still protective of the Gore Administration's legacy and democratic principles. Not long after that meeting, President Sinclair directed the Secretary of State to make a public statement condemning the communist Turkish government's statements about a collegiate debate in Poland over current events in Turkey. He also directed the National Security Council to properly brief him on the current state of events in Turkey and what the United States could do to support the democratic elements there.

Jay

 

[Odinson]

Secret​

It did not take long before the FBI and the CIA became aware of the message that had been sent to Senator Susan Anderson. By federal law, the CIA was forbidden from conducting operations within the borders of the United States unless it was assisting another federal agency or if it was working on conjunction with another federal agency. The FBI and the CIA, in a rare feat of cooperation, decided to work together domestically since they were working on completing a mission directly ordered by the President. The FBI and the CIA very carefully set up a meeting with representatives of the Atatürk Society of America (ASA). In this meeting, the two American individuals (one of whom was an undercover FBI agent and the other who was a CIA operative) presented themselves as members of a front political action committee that was registered as, "Democracy First USA," AKA, DF-USA. They would explain that they had a reasonable amount of influence on members of the Foreign Relations Committee in the Senate.

As the meeting would go on, if it did happen in the first place, they would ask ASA if they could set up an encrypted discussion between high-ranking secular-democratic representatives from Turkey and high-ranking American diplomatic officials. It was implied that DF-USA could bring in some big players from the State Department to the discussion if ASA could bring in some heavy hitters from the secular-democratic leadership in Turkey.

Jay

 

[Jay]

Secret​

It was a heavy August afternoon in the capital of the United States. The air lay thick after the early morning showers. The trees along Massachusetts Avenue brushed against the wind, swaying back and forth, flanking the suburban houses around it. The red brick home that housed the Atatürk Society of America. Inside, behind a desk littered with newspapers and a tablet, sat Nurgul Kalyoncu Balimtas. Her eyes are fixed on the screen. A news headline read: “Kılıçdaroğlu’ya Veda mı?” (“A Farewell to Kılıçdaroğlu?”)

Nurgul exhales as she keeps the phone close to her ear. “So it’s confirmed?” She asked. The voice on the phone responded. “Yes...It looks like it. He’ll announce it in a few days. They’re just finalizing the statement. He says it’s time.”

Nurgul laughed in disbelief. “Time? The old bastard led us into this mess by joining those zealots. Now he’s walking away while the house still burns?”

The voice on the other end responded. “It wasn’t all his fault. But you know how this party eats its own when things go bad.”

Nurgul shook her head. “He should never have put himself in bed with the communists. This is a move in the right direction, the party must evolve if we are ever to reclaim democracy back home.” Nurgul said with a sigh as there was a soft knock at the door. Nurgul looked up and said, “Mehmet, thanks for the call. Let’s talk again later.” She said, closing the phone as she looked at the door. “Come in,” Nurgul said. Her secretary, Elifsu, stepped in with a clipboard.

Elifsu brushed her golden hair away from her face as she looked at her boss. “Hanımefendi, the representatives from Democracy First USA,. Mr. Walsh and a Ms. DeWitt are here.”

Nurgul nodded. “Teşekkür ederim, Elifsu. Please, bring them to the guest room.” She said, picking up the phone and ending the call. Nurgul straightened her jacket and stood up, brushing her pants before walking to the guest room. There she saw the two Americans sitting in the room with Elifsu.

Nurgul walked into the room smiling, her heels giving soft thumps against the carpeted wooden floor. “Hello Mr. Walsh and Ms. Dewitt,” Nurgul said, extending her hand. “I’m Nurgul Kalyoncu Balimtas. It’s good to finally meet you both.

Thank you for having us, Miss Balimtas” Edward said in his American accent. Lucie then spoke, “It is an honor, Miss Balitmas, thank you for making the time.”

“Oh please, call me Nurgul,” Nurgul said as she looked at Elifsu. “Please bring us some tea and water for our guests.” Edward and Lucie could see the lady who had brought them in nod before she left the room.

Nurgul gestured to the two Americans to be comfortable as she opened her notepad engraved with the six arrows of Kemalism.

“I had a look at your Democracy First page. I must admit, for such a young and modestly sized group, I was surprised by the influence you seem to command, and the reach you claim.” She spoke with a gentle smile, leaning back slightly in her chair, the fabric creaking softly beneath her.

A moment later, Elifsu returned to the room, her footsteps quiet against the polished wooden floor. She carried a silver tray, the porcelain teacups on it clinking lightly with each step. She placed the cups before each of them, the delicate floral patterns catching the light. Then came the sweets, glossy lokum dusted with powdered sugar, nestled beside golden-brown baklava glistening with syrup. She arranged them neatly on a ceramic platter at the center of the table, the aroma of rosewater and honey mingling with the faint scent of cardamom in the air.

Finally, Elifsu lifted the brass teapot and began to pour. The dark amber stream of Turkish tea flowed smoothly into the cups, steam curling upwards. The rich, earthy scent filled the room.

Edward, with his blond hair and broad-shouldered smiled as he picked up the cup before him. "We appreciate your time Nurgul. We know you're very engaged with the community. That’s why we’re here." He said, looking at Lucie.

The woman beside him, dark-haired and quieter, offered a gentle smile. "Democracy First USA is building bridges. Between communities, between values. We believe the Turkish-American voice has a place in the broader conversation."

Nurgul sipped her tea slowly. “We are glad to hear. The Atatürk Society of America was founded the objective of promoting the ideals of Atatürk’s political legacy. That political philosophy reflects that sovereignty belongs to the people, that the people alone administer the people, public sovereignty cannot be shared with any other authority, secular education ensures public sovereignty and rationality in politics, for progress, science and reason must supersede superstition and dogma, contemporary civilization is the common heritage of humankind, peace at home and peace in the world assures the universality of civilization. With these objectives in mind, the ASA organizes scholarly lectures, provides research fellowships, develops a resource and reference center, and makes presentations regarding the importance of Atatürk’s political philosophy for international prosperity and peace.

Edward nodded. “President Atatürk, once said, 'Happy is he who can call himself a Turk' Well, I can say that I understand that sentiment,” Edward said with a smile. “President Reagan said that ‘Happy is the American President who can welcome the Turkish President.’ We at Democracy First recognize that Türkiye and the United States have the strongest historical bonds. In Korea, Turks and Americans shed blood together on the battlefield in defense of freedom and democracy.” Edward said, looking at Nurgul.

Lucie followed up. “Americans have admired the way that Türkiye and the Turkish people pulled themselves back to democracy when challenged by the violent forces of anarchy. It is a shame that the people who had devotion to the ideals of Atatürk.”

Nurgul set down her cup with the faintest tap. "Where do I sign you guys up?” Nurgul laughed. “Now, tell me what can I do for you?”

Lucie leaned forward slightly. "We’re speaking with leaders on Capitol Hill who have the White House’s ear. We’d...like to lay the groundwork for helping long-term Turkish-American relations and to bring back some of those things that make Türkiye the great nation it once was. Accountability. Liberty. Respect for the rule of law. We think those are ideals Atatürk himself would recognize."

At that, Nurgul’s gaze turned thoughtful, listening to Lucie continue. Lucie continued, “We’ve watched what’s happening back in Türkiye with growing alarm. The arrests. The closing of papers. The detentions of teachers, of lawyers...ordinary men and women. All in the name of socialism.’” She paused, then added, “There’s nothing unifying about fear.”

Nurgul’s face remained composed, but something tightened at the corners of her mouth. “It is worse than fear,” she said. “It is the silence after fear, when even whispers no longer dare take root.”

Edward looked at Nurgul. “My wife’s parents are from Iran, and I can tell you that the silence after is the most painful part. So believe me when I said I know how you feel.”

Nurgul nodded once, slowly. “They call it equality, but it is not the republic Atatürk built. He fought to pull us from darkness into reason. What do they do now? It is not reason. It is rot, beneath banners and slogans. They have replaced our elected leaders with a commissar and dare to call it progress.”

“We don’t pretend we understand everything. But we know what repression looks like. We’ve seen it across continents. We’ve fought it, in ways open, and in ways that never make the papers.” Lucie said, looking at Nurgul. “It’s not just geopolitics. It’s human decency. And what’s happening in Türkiye, it’s abhorrent. We feel it. Deeply.”

Nurgul gave a weak smile. “I am a Kemalist,” she said. “And I will die one. I believe the CHP has lost its moral compass. It’s clear that new blood is needed, and I expect we’ll see some changes that could transform the party into a true opposition force. I’d be happy to connect you with the emerging leaders expected to replace Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu.”

Edward and Lucie smiled. “That would be great. Thank you, we appreciate your time and willingness to speak with us. We’ll be in touch soon.” The two got up and shook hands with Nurgul before leaving the building to their car. Nurgul looked down at her empty cup, then out the window toward the maple trees rustling faintly in the D.C. fall skies. She watched as the two Americans got into their car and drove away.

The black Lexus eased around the bend of Massachusetts Avenue, slipping into the steady stream of traffic. Sunlight streamed through the trees, filtering through the tinted windows, casting shifting patterns across the dashboard.

Emma Stuart reached up and pulled at the edge of her dark bobbed wig. With a soft sigh, she peeled it off, revealing the auburn hair beneath, damp with sweat. Alex Brown did the same beside her, removing his blond toupee and running a hand through his close-cropped brown hair.

“God,” Emma muttered, tossing the wig onto the floor mat. “That tea room was like a sauna.”

Alex smirked, loosening the button at his collar. “At least the Arabs have air conditioners everywhere." They drove in silence for a moment, the city falling away behind them as they headed west, toward Langley.

Emma checked her phone briefly, then locked the screen. “So. She’s in. It seems”

Alex nodded. “I can get where she is coming from. I just hope she gives us a lead and not a dud like that time with Liberia. ”

Emma leaned back in the seat, thoughtful. “How come you never introduced me to your Iranian in-laws?” She said with a laugh.

Alex tapped the steering wheel absently, his eyes on the road. “Haha…it was a good pivot, no?” He said with a curt smile.

Emma turned to him. “What do you think about it all…the Turks and how they are. You worked the Ankara desk back in the 90s right?”

Alex shrugged. “The military and intel guys are hard-working. The civil servants… depends on who you get. If I had to put my money on anything, I’d say that the military would have the best chance of running that country. They are easier to deal with when our interests align.” They drove for another beat. The sun glinted off the Potomac to their left as they crossed the bridge.

Emma spoke again, her voice quieter now. “Yeah, but that is not what the big boss wants.” She said, looking at the White House.

Alex looked over briefly. “You think she’s for real?”

Emma didn’t hesitate. “Oh, she’s for real. I say that at least. I’ve met a few Turks. They’re like the Iranians, very passionate and prideful people.

The car slowed before the familiar gate. A uniformed guard stepped out. Alex handed over a badge. The guard glanced down, then waved them through. The car continued forward into the compound, disappearing beneath the canopy of pines. Later that evening, the following report would be submitted to the CIA Director.

---

TOP SECRET​

CIA PROFILE: Ayşe Çiller​

Subject Classification: Tier II Political Actor
Affiliation: Republican People's Party (CHP) – Reformist Wing
DOB: August 16 1970, Born in Istanbul, Türkiye
Place of Origin: Istanbul, Türkiye

Education:

• B.A. Economics, Robert College Yüksek (Boğaziçi University)
• M.A. Economics, Harvard University (with spouse Kıvanç Tatlıtuğ)
• Postdoctoral Studies, Yale University
• Juris Doctor, Columbia Law School
  Languages: Turkish (native), English (fluent), German (proficient), French (proficient)
  Current Location: Istanbul, Türkiye

BACKGROUND & FAMILY

Ayşe Çiller is the fourth child of Necati Çiller, a respected journalist and former provincial governor of Bilecik during the 1950s. Her father, while not overtly political, was a firm supporter of the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and a believer in the military’s role as guardian of the secular republic. He belonged to the generation that saw the military not as a threat, but as a stabilizing force preserving the Kemalist vision of modernization and national unity. Moreover, her father represented the party during the right-wing era of the CHP.

Her mother, Muazzez Çiller, came from a Rumelian Turk family forcibly displaced from Thessaloniki during the population exchanges and subsequent ethnic tensions that followed the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of the Greek nation-state. The Çiller family story reflects a larger, often silenced trauma in modern Turkish identity that of the Turkish Muslim communities expelled from Greece, Cyprus, and Bulgaria in the 20th century. These expulsions, sometimes framed as strategic relocations or "exchanges," were in fact deeply disruptive acts of ethnic cleansing, leaving lasting emotional and psychological scars on those who experienced or inherited their memory.

This legacy shaped Ayşe Çiller’s early worldview. Her childhood in Istanbul was firmly secular and pro-Western, reflecting her father's alignment with republican values, but also marked by an intimate awareness of historical injustice and cultural displacement. The duality of her background, western-facing education, and reformist ideals on one hand, and ancestral memory of exile and marginalization on the other, created a personal narrative that emphasizes national dignity without chauvinism, secularism without cultural amnesia, and modernization rooted in social justice.

Educated at the American College for Girls and later at Robert College, Çiller was immersed in Western liberal arts values from an early age. However, family discussions often returned to the stories of her maternal grandparents’ forced departure from Thessaloniki, the hardship of rebuilding in a new homeland, and the sense of historical betrayal that accompanied the broader regional expulsions of Turkish communities. These stories did not turn her away from European ideals but instead fueled a lifelong commitment to democratic pluralism, minority rights, and the moral accountability of states.

Today, this background serves as a powerful underpinning to her reformist politics. Çiller’s grassroots appeal lies in her ability to connect elite discourse with lived historical memory, bringing together professional urban voters with communities carrying generational traumas from the Balkans, Aegean, and the Eastern provinces. As such, her politics straddle both the forward-looking agenda of economic and democratic reform and a deep respect for the unspoken wounds in Türkiye’s national history.

ACADEMIC & PROFESSIONAL CAREER

Ayşe Çiller is a highly accomplished economist and legal scholar, distinguished not only by her academic pedigree but also by the intellectual clarity with which she articulates a progressive economic vision for Türkiye. After completing her secondary education at the American College for Girls in Istanbul an institution known for producing internationally minded Turkish women leaders, Çiller pursued undergraduate studies in economics at Boğaziçi University, one of Türkiye’s most elite and liberal institutions of higher learning.

Her academic trajectory then took her to the United States, where she undertook graduate studies in economics at Harvard University, followed by postdoctoral research at Yale, focusing on international economic policy and behavioral decision-making. This transatlantic academic path is exceptionally rare among Turkish political figures, even within the secular, Western-educated elite. It has given her fluency in both global economic discourse and domestic Turkish realities, an advantage she has leveraged in her political career.

In the late 1990s, Çiller pivoted to law, earning a Juris Doctor from Columbia Law School, specializing in international trade law and regulatory governance. While at Columbia, she completed internships at the World Trade Organization (WTO) and Türkiye’s Ministry of Trade, giving her early exposure to the mechanics of multilateral trade negotiations and the legal complexities of global economic integration. She briefly held a teaching post in economics at the University of Pennsylvania, further solidifying her profile as a scholar-practitioner.

Her doctoral thesis, written during her postdoctoral period and later revised at Columbia, focused on the intersection of behavioral economics and trade policy, analyzing how cognitive biases, institutional cultures, and political incentives shape trade outcomes in emerging markets. This work remains highly relevant to Türkiye’s economic trajectory, especially as the country grapples with trade deficits, currency volatility, and institutional drift.

Çiller advocates for a state that is engaged but not domineering in the economy. Her economic philosophy blends market pragmatism with social protection. She supports the creation of independent regulatory bodies that are insulated from political interference, particularly in sectors like banking, telecommunications, and energy, and champions monetary discipline, seeing inflation as both a technical challenge and a social injustice that disproportionately harms working-class families.

At the same time, she is a proponent of a robust social safety net, arguing that economic modernization must be matched by inclusive policies that protect vulnerable populations from the shocks of liberalization and automation. Her proposals include conditional cash transfer programs, targeted subsidies for education and child care, and green investment initiatives aimed at linking environmental policy with job creation.

As a trade law specialist, Çiller has positioned herself as one of the few opposition figures with a realistic and globally literate economic program, an alternative to both the crony-capitalist tendencies of the current regime and the overly statist reflexes of some in the old Kemalist guard. Her credibility in both Washington and Brussels has grown in recent years, with Western policymakers viewing her as a serious reformist voice capable of steering Türkiye toward rules-based economic governance without sacrificing national development goals.

POLITICAL ACTIVITY AND OPPOSITION BUILDING

​

Çiller began her public life through local-level involvement with the Republican People's Party (CHP), where she quickly earned recognition within the party’s more modern circles. Her early political work focused on capacity-building in the women’s and youth wings, where she emphasized leadership development, civic education, and inclusive policy formation.

Though she could have leveraged her elite academic background for a faster rise through the party hierarchy, Çiller deliberately chose a slower, more organic path, focusing on coalition-building, institutional reform, and developing trust within the party base. This approach helped her cultivate a broad network of activists, municipal leaders, and policy professionals who view her not as a technocrat parachuted into politics, but as a genuine movement builder.

From 2001 to 2003, during a time of significant internal turmoil and electoral volatility for the CHP, Çiller played a critical behind-the-scenes role in shaping the party’s municipal strategies in Istanbul and Izmir. She was instrumental in candidate recruitment, often identifying younger, reform-minded professionals and supporting their campaigns with policy and messaging guidance. Her work during this period quietly modernized the party's urban appeal and helped lay the groundwork for later electoral gains.

While she avoided the media spotlight, Çiller developed a reputation within party ranks as a strategic thinker with the ideological dogma and organizational disfunction that plagued the CHP. Her focus on transparency, internal democracy, and modernization of the party’s structures positioned her as a leading figure within the CHP’s reformist faction. She has led the bloc which increasingly critical of the party’s historical rigidity and its failure to adapt to the changing political landscape of 21st-century Türkiye. In many ways she could be described as a leader in Turkish Third-Way politics.

Çiller has prioritized building a sustainable opposition infrastructure over short-term political visibility. Her network now includes a wide range of local officials, civil society actors, legal scholars, and young political operatives, many of whom credit her mentorship with their entry into public service. The current regime has worked to break up this network targeting independent lawyers, curtailing the free press, and breaking up student associations.

Today, as the CHP confronts a generational and ideological crossroads following the decline of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu’s leadership, Çiller stands out not simply as a capable candidate for national leadership, but as the architect of a credible, democratic opposition movement. Her emphasis on grassroots mobilization, evidence-based policymaking, and democratic renewal positions her as a serious contender to reshape both the CHP and the broader Turkish opposition in the post-authoritarian era.

This emerging faction within the CHP is characterized by its pro-Western orientation, commitment to market-based economic development, and democratic institutional reform. Unlike earlier iterations of the party, which have been criticized for authoritarian tendencies and exclusionary secularism, Çiller’s bloc openly acknowledges the CHP’s historical role in undermining democracy and social equality. She advocates for a more inclusive, rights-based, and globally integrated approach to governance.

SECURITY ASSESSMENT​

• Risk to U.S. Interests: Low – pro-Western, pro-democracy, reform-oriented
• Watchlist Status: Monitored; no indications of subversive activity or ties to militant groups
• Assets: Extensive Western education and networks, owns a house by the ocean in New Hampshire.

Odinson