Ukraine: Communique to Russia

[Cyclonic]

​

​ Ukrainian Ministry of Defence Міністерство закордонних справ України 6 Povitroflotskyi Avenue, Kyiv ** ENCRYPTED ** ​

---

To: Sergei Shoigu, Minister of Defence of the Russian Federation (Zak)
From: Oleksandr Kuzmuk, Minister of Defence of Ukraine

---

To Minister Shoigu,

Firstly, Ukraine would like to congratulate you and the rest of the Medvedev cabinet on your appointments following the election of President Putin. Ukraine looks forward to working closely with your government, and continuing the strong and prosperous relationship between Slavic brothers, which I am sure you will agree is in both of our countries' interests to do. Emphasising our shared history and culture, not to mention the commonality in the equipment, doctrine and practices of our armed forces, will be at the forefront of diplomatic relations between our two countries.

We would be particularly interested in procuring Russian military equipment for the Ukrainian Armed Forces, either producing on license or purchasing them outright. We already produce our own Antonov aircraft, T-64 tanks, and Slava- and Kara-class cruisers, not to mention a myriad of other Soviet equipment, and this would be a small step further in integrating our armed forces. We would be most interested in a license (in return for a cash payment of course) to secure the long-term future of our armed forces, but purchasing them at a price named by you will also be perfectly satisfactory.

In particular, we are interested in some or all of the following products:

• Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-29
• Mil Mi-24 SuperHind Mk.II
• Voronezh Radar

We would like to know, if possible, your offered price for these products, either for purchase, for licensed production or for both.

Yours sincerely,

/s/ Oleksandr Kuzmuk
Minister of Defence

 

[Zak]

Ministry of Defence
Security Classification: ENCRYPTED​

---

Dear Oleksandr Kuzmuk,

On behalf of the Ministry of Defence of the Russian Federation, I extend sincere thanks for your congratulations and warm words regarding the recent appointments within the Government of the Russian Federation.

We appreciate Ukraine’s expression of interest in further strengthening bilateral ties, particularly in the field of defence cooperation. Our nation's indeed share a long history of partnership, common heritage, and extensive interoperability in military doctrine and technology. These foundations provide a natural platform for continued dialogue and collaboration.

With respect to your inquiry regarding potential procurement and licensed production of Russian military systems, including the MiG-29 aircraft, Mi-24 SuperHind Mk.II helicopter, and the Voronezh radar system, we are open to discussing the specifics of such cooperation. Please note that the Mi-24 SuperHind Mk.II is a South African upgrade of the Soviet Mi-24 platform and not a product directly supplied by the Russian Federation. Nevertheless, regarding original Russian-manufactured systems and platforms, we would be glad to initiate a formal dialogue.

We would be willing to charge a license fee of $650 million for the MiG-29 which would be a one-time payment for 10-year production rights meanwhile a license fee of $375 million for the Mil Mi-24 which can be produced over a 10-year period. The Voronezh radar system is currently not for sale.

We remain committed to exploring avenues of mutual interest and contributing to regional stability through responsible cooperation.

Kind Regards,
Sergei Shoigu
Minister of Defence
Russian Federation

Cyclonic

 

[Zak]

Russian Federation
Security Classification: ENCRYPTED​

---

Dear President Leonid Kuchma,

Following the recent dialogue between our Ministries of Defence regarding air force equipment and operational protocols, I recognize this as a constructive step, however modest, toward reducing tensions and fostering mutual understanding.

In this spirit, I would like to propose a direct meeting between us, to be held in Crimea, a region of profound historical and strategic importance to both our nations. Such a meeting would serve as a symbolic and substantive opportunity to engage in open dialogue about the future of Russian-Ukrainian relations, regional security, and potential frameworks for long-term stability.

While the path ahead remains complex, I believe that direct, respectful dialogue between our offices is essential. I remain open to working toward solutions that prioritize the safety, sovereignty, and dignity of both the Russian and Ukrainian peoples.

Kind Regards,
Vladimir Putin
President of Russia
Russian Federation

Cyclonic

 

[Cyclonic]

Reply

​

​	​ President of Ukraine Президент України Mariinskyi Palace, Kyiv ** SECRET **​

---

To: Vladimir Putin, President of Russia (Zak)
From: Leonid Kuchma, President of Ukraine

---

To President Putin,

I am honoured to be able to accept your proposal for a meeting between us in Crimea. It is true that the area holds great historical and cultural significance between our two countries, reminding us of our shared past which only diverged just over a decade ago. There is great scope to narrow that divergence and bring our two countries closer together, and this will be another step forwards in that endeavour.

I propose the Livadia Palace for the meeting, while your delegation will be housed separately in the Massandra Palace. Both are stunning examples of architectural brilliance and I am sure you will appreciate the beautiful culture of Ukraine while there. All necessary arrangements will be made for your security, while you are free to bring your own security, provided that the National Police is informed beforehand. Your flight will be welcomed at Saky Air Base.

Yours sincerely,

/s/ Leonid Kuchma
President of Ukraine

After the communique had been sent, Kuchma immediately boarded an Antonov An-158, specially configured to act as VIP transport for regional flights in Ukraine. His staff, including representatives of the Ministry of Defence, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Presidential Administration, Ministry of Finance and the Armed Forces, followed in chartered Ukraine International Airlines aircraft. He flew to Saky Air Base, where a motorcade provided by KORD sped through the empty streets, having been blocked off beforehand, to the Livadia Palace, where his delegation would be staying. There, he would be briefed on the upcoming meeting while waiting for the Russians to arrive.

Once word had reached him that the Russians were due to arrive, the presidential motorcade raced to the Air Base, where President Kuchma, Prime Minister Azarov and other senior dignitaries waited to welcome the President to Ukraine. It was lucky that they arrived early, because the National Police, through a misunderstanding and poor communication with the Foreign Ministry, had not realised that two motorcades needed to be assembled; one for the Russians and one for the Ukrainians. It had been understood that President Putin would join President Kuchma, but nobody had told the police that their staff would remain separate. So, more vehicles, including a bus, were hurriedly assembled to form an ad-hoc motorcade.

While all of this was unfolding behind the scenes, President Kuchma stood on the tarmac, ready to welcome Ukraine's closest ally and neighbour to the country.

 

[Zak]

Vladimir Putin's Ilyushin Il-96 taking off from Moscow bound for the Crimean Peninsula​

The engines of the Ilyushin Il-96 purred steadily on the runway of Vnukovo-2 as Vladimir Putin stepped out of the terminal and into the morning light. The sky was steel grey, the air still. He was flanked, as always, by a silent wall of Federal Protective Service agents who were calm, alert, and watching everything. Their eyes rarely left his silhouette.

He moved with his usual quiet authority, black-gloved hands at his sides, expression unreadable. Today was not business as usual. He was flying into Ukrainian territory specifically Crimea to meet with President Leonid Kuchma. A rare gesture. A deliberate one.

No press. No handshakes. Just the sound of boots on tarmac and the low murmur of secure communications between his escort and the Rossiya flight crew. The FSO moved in coordinated rhythm, never more than a step behind or ahead.

Putin ascended the steps to the aircraft without a word. Once inside, he didn’t sit immediately. He stood by the window for a long moment, gazing out at the runway as if watching something only he could see. The agents took their positions. The door sealed.

The flight to Saky Air Basel was silent save for the low hum of engines and the occasional report from aides. Maps. Intelligence summaries. A few notes, though Putin rarely relied on paper. He remembered what mattered.

As the aircraft descended over the Black Sea, Crimea came into view through the clouds with hills, coastline, history on show.

On the ground, the tension was thick, formal, controlled. FSO agents were first down the stairs, scanning the perimeter before Putin emerged.

He descended slowly, deliberately, eyes fixed on the road ahead.

This was not a show of goodwill. It was a test of control. Of presence. He was meeting Kuchma on Ukrainian soil Putin's own terms, his timing. The message had already been sent.

Putin greeted Leonid Kuchma upon his descent to ground level and posed for a photo and handshake opportunity by an awaiting aide.

No words were spoken as the motorcade began to roll through the narrow roads of Crimea toward the meeting point. The FSO watched every intersection. Putin said nothing. He didn’t need to.

Cyclonic

 

[Cyclonic]

Outwardly, Kuchma beamed as he welcomed the Russian President with a handshake and waved ostentatiously to his aides as he introduced them to Putin. He, too, was putting on a show; but unlike the quiet, controlling demeanour of the Russian, he was keen to show his enthusiasm and that he knew what he was doing. One would think, from Kuchma's body language and remarks to the press, that the Ukrainians had wanted the meeting. Indeed, some Ukrainian journalists remarked among themselves that Putin did not seem entirely eager to be there. This was not true, of course, as he had proposed the meeting; but the stark contrast between the two leaders' expressions was surprising and threw the journalists, used to the normal enthusiasm and smiles of world leaders visiting Ukraine, off balance.

The motorcade raced to the Livadia Palace. Along the way, Kuchma studied his briefing carefully. Everything had been rehearsed with Ukrainian diplomats from Moscow, who were best placed to work out what Putin acted like and how he would respond to proposals.

​

They were led up the path to the Palace, sprawling with lush, green vegetation against a bright blue sky. Usually there would be animated discussions, at the very least about the beautiful weather and stunning scenery, but the delegation walked in silence. There were some tense moments between the FSO and the National Police, but Kuchma didn't get to see what was happening behind them.

The delegations were led into the meeting room, where Nicholas II towered menacingly above them. They were seated on opposite ends of each other, with secretaries between them to take notes and transcribe for the minutes.

​

Amidst the chaos while the delegations were getting ready and briefing papers were being handed out, Kuchma turned to his State Secretary for Foreign Policy, Yevhen Marchuk.

"Putin is acting like he already owns the place!" he seethed. "Like an owner surveying his new property, thinking about where to put the furniture and what colours to paint the walls. Still, we can't let that get in the way of a good friendship. We need him, after all."

Marchuk nodded in affirmation, but said nothing in response. He continued perusing his briefing document.

[UKRAINIAN EYES ONLY] Ukrainian-Russian relations

---

Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs

---

** TOP SECRET **
** UKRAINIAN EYES ONLY **
​

The following topics should be brought up for discussion at some point.

Black Sea Fleet
The status of Russian and Ukrainian fleets in the Black Sea has remained uncertain as two sovereign countries attempt to navigate structures set up when both were part of one country. We are willing to lease out the Sevastopol Naval Base for use by the Russian Navy, in exchange for a cash payment and a guarantee of continued rights to use the base ourselves. We are also prepared to build up our own Navy, which is planned to be 10 destroyers and 6 cruisers, to augment the Russian Black Sea Fleet. Joint exercises can be proposed in the future to integrate our two navies together.

Foreign Policy
Ukraine must align our foreign policy with that of Russia. We make clear that our biggest vulnerability is an attack via the Black Sea, and so we should seek Russian support in countering threats from the Mediterranean which could seep through the Bosporus. Russia's position on the Turkish crisis, the war in Syria and its views on the increasingly interventionist international order led by the United States would be vital in formulating Ukraine's own position on the matter.

Military exercises
Once Ukraine has fully built up its armed forces, we should propose joint exercises between the Russian and Ukrainian armed forces, using our shared knowledge of Soviet doctrine, tactics and equipment to our mutual advantage. Liaison officers should be posted in each others' militaries to closer integrate our militaries.

Cultural exchange
There is ample room for cultural exchange to improve knowledge of both of our Slavic cultures which many will be aware of already. The Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv can welcome exchange students from Russian universities in all of its faculties in exchange for reciprocal arrangments in Russian universities.

Scientific collaboration
Research into, for example, our sovereign "Tryzub" spyware, can be accelerated if scientists from both our countries collaborate. We should propose integration of our quaternary sectors and make it easier for scientists from both of our countries to work in each others' research centres to benefit our shared scientific industry.

"We are honoured to have you here, Vladimir Vladimirovich," Kuchma began, using the patrynomic as a polite way to greet the President. "Ukraine and Russia have a long and storied history together, and this will be a meeting for the history books, I am sure. We have some points of our own we would like to bring up, but since you proposed the meeting you have the privilege of starting the conversation. Please, what would you like to discuss?"

Zak

 

[Zak]

Putin sat still, hands folded neatly in front of him on the polished surface of the long mahogany table. The gaze he cast across the room was measured, calm, and difficult to read. The great portrait of Nicholas II looming above them did not go unnoticed—a reminder of imperial weight, intentional or not.

He nodded once at Kuchma’s greeting, expression neutral but not unfriendly.

“Thank you, Leonid Danylovych,” Putin replied, his voice low but steady, he returned with equal politeness, though subtly more reserved.

“For all the complexities between our two states, I believe we share something most other nations do not, a deeply interwoven past. That past, like the tsar above us, watches everything we do today.”

He paused briefly, allowing the words to hang.

“I asked for this meeting not to rehash grievances,” he continued, “but to identify the lines we are no longer willing to cross, and those we still can.”

His fingers tapped lightly against a closed folder before him.

“Our Ministries of Defence have made initial discussions discussing the Ukrainian military acquisitions."

He leaned forward slightly, his tone sharpening just a touch, Putin glanced toward the Ukrainian delegation briefly, then returned his focus to Kuchma.

“This is a place to start. If you agree, we can move from there into economic corridors, energy projects, and mutual guarantees of infrastructure security along our territories."

A long pause followed. Then, quietly.

“We can settle this century like civilized nations, or revisit the mistakes of the last one.”

He sat back, the FSO agents at the walls unmoving, the room still.

The floor was now Kuchma’s.

Cyclonic

 

[Cyclonic]

Kuchma smiled, but inwardly he was nervous. This was the kind of cryptic message he dreaded. What did Putin mean by that? Was he really alluding to a breakdown of relations at the start of a meeting set up to improve them?

"I agree that military procurement is a good place to start. The initial list of products we sent to Minister Shoigu was only a select few of what we require. We were testing the waters, if you like, to see whether you'd be willing to offer more. I am sure our respective Ministries of Defence will handle this after the meeting."

He paused while collecting his thoughts. What now? After all, he had been briefed on Russia's possible proposals, but he hadn't expected the ball to be in Ukraine's court so quickly. He drank some water. There was a tense silence.

"Ukraine is currently very much reliant on Russian gas through Gazprom for our energy security. We import around 25 billion cubic metres of natural gas from Russia every year. Naturally, this is expensive and, while we do not expect you to cut off our gas any time soon, certain factions in the Rada are worried about not having total energy independence. We are currently planning to expand our gas fields, oil fields and gas condensate fields in the Black Sea. We also wish to expand our Hlibovske underground gas storage centre, in preparation for the winter, to reduce import costs. In particular, the Shtormove, Holitsynske and Bezimenne gas fields are seen as ripe for expansion. However, this is a project which can work to our mutual benefit. We can allow Russian companies such as Gazprom to operate parts of these expanded gas fields, and perhaps the existing fields, if you wish, through a lease. You will receive the profits from these fields, boosting your own economy, but they will be owned by Ukrainian companies. Financial arrangements will have to be negotiated, but we can make a good start by agreeing in principle that Russian companies can operate in Ukrainian-owned gas fields."

"I further propose that Russian engineers and scientists be given greater access to our quaternary sector, specifically in the chemicals and aerospace industries which Ukraine has invested in heavily. This will give us greater expertise in those areas while boosting the finances of Russian companies which will be able to collaborate closely with our companies."

"Finally, I propose that we allow up to six Russian ships into Sevastopol Naval Base at any time, for the next year, where we can revisit the arrangement and most likely agree to renew it. This will allow you to develop your own naval presence in the region, in a deepwater port with a strategic location in the middle of the Black Sea, while allowing us to remain closely involved in fielding a substantial naval presence in the same area. The Ukrainian Navy is planned to have ten destroyers and six cruisers, a substantial force concentrated in one sea, which can further boost your own interests if you wish."

Zak

 

[Zak]

​

Putin sat silently as Kuchma finished, his fingers steepled beneath his chin. His expression remained neutral, but those close to him could read the subtle cues: calculation, consideration, and perhaps the faintest hint of approval.

After a moment, he leaned forward, voice low and deliberate.

“Leonid Danylovych,” he began, using the patronymic once again, “you’ve presented a series of proposals that are not only bold, but under the right conditions strategically sound.”

He glanced briefly to one of his aides before continuing.

“Let’s begin with energy. The gas trade between our countries is an artery neither side can afford to sever hastily. Your import figures are correct. Twenty-five billion cubic metres is not insignificant. And while some in your Rada speak of independence, I am more interested in interdependence, stable, transparent, profitable.”

He opened the folder before him, revealing a marked map of the Black Sea basin.

“The Shtormove, Holitsynske, and Bezimenne fields have potential. If your government is willing to lease operational rights under clear legal frameworks, then Gazprom, and perhaps Novatek, would be prepared to submit proposals. Of course, profit-sharing, taxation, and regulatory terms would require careful negotiation but I agree in principle. We would prefer to be partners in your energy future, not obstacles to it.”

He then turned the topic with a slight shift in posture.

“As for your quaternary sector, particularly chemicals and aerospace—Russia has both legacy expertise and untapped potential in these fields. If Ukrainian companies are prepared to offer joint research initiatives or shared development labs, Rostec and Roscosmos may be authorized to coordinate pilot programs under academic and commercial umbrellas. We’ll require safeguards for intellectual property but again, this is a positive direction.”

Then came the matter of Sevastopol.

Putin’s gaze sharpened just slightly.

“Sevastopol is, indeed, a critical naval asset. One of the few remaining in the Black Sea deep enough, defensible enough, and historic enough to serve as a true anchor for regional stability.”

He paused, then continued, more deliberately.

“But if we are to pursue serious cooperation on matters of naval deployment and regional presence, we must look beyond single-port access or temporary rotations. We must think in generational terms.”

Putin placed both hands on the table, fingers lightly touching.

“Leonid Danylovych, I counter your offer of a twelve-month rotational presence in Sevastopol with a long-term lease of Crimea itself modeled, in structure, on the Sino-British Joint Declaration.”

The room was quiet. Even the aides stopped writing.

“Russia would lease the territory of Crimea, including Sevastopol, for a period of 99 years, we would manage the territory’s economic development, infrastructure, and defense posture during that time. This arrangement would allow Russia to make full-scale, long-term investments in the region, naval, commercial, and civilian,without the uncertainty of annual renewals or political shifts in Kyiv.”

He finally leaned back. Putin looked across the table at Kuchma, expression unreadable once again.

Cyclonic

 

[Cyclonic]

Kuchma turned to his aides. There were whispers going up and down the table; some anxious, some interested, most surprised.

"Your Excellency... your proposal to lease out Crimea is an interesting one. Naturally, the financial cost to you will not be insignificant... we are thinking at the very least at a nine-figure sum every tax period. It would also be a great blow to our own strategic interests..." He left his words hanging as he contemplated the issue himself.

Scribbled notes came in from his assistants. He read each one, putting them in one of two piles- in favour, and against. At the end, it was clear that one pile had a slight advantage over the other. Only Kuchma knew which one. And only he knew whether he would listen to their advice.

At last, he nodded. "I think we have an agreement, Vladimir Vladimirovich. However, the cost will be a one-time payment of five billion dollars. You may think that this is an exorbitant sum... I do not disagree that it is a very large sum. However, currently we are spending close to that sum on our military. We anticipate getting into a lot of debt in doing so. We have always worked hard to align our interests with those of yours- but this is not one of those occasions. There is very little that we get out of it. So, this is not another collaboration between our two governments. This is a commercial transaction- pure and simple. If you want to improve your strategic interests in the region, it will come at a cost."

He paused. He had deliberately chosen the one-time payment as opposed to a payment every year or every tax payment, as some had urged him to do. He understood the Russian position- if he was in their shoes he would have asked for the exact same. They also wanted reliability, and a long-term guarantee of having Crimea to themselves. That was understandable. He was willing to oblige, because Russian interests, to a large extent, meant Ukrainian interests.

"I hope you do not mind when I say that I disagree with your comparison to the status of Hong Kong. Hong Kong was won in war, a trophy for the victorious power. This is a sale of territory in the same way we sell gas, or food. Anyway, we can have a deal on those terms. We are also open to negotiating that term, perhaps substituting some of the financial cost in exchange for military equipment... but the principle remains the same. You can have it, but at a cost."

Zak

 

[Zak]

Putin did not respond immediately.

He remained motionless, his fingertips lightly pressed together in a contemplative gesture. His eyes drifted not to the papers in front of him, but toward the deep marbled walls of the conference chamber, almost as if inspecting the cracks in history itself.

Then, without shifting his posture, he spoke.

“A commercial transaction,” he echoed, voice even. “Then let us speak as merchants, not monarchs.”

There was no irritation in his tone, no pride wounded, no protest raised. Instead, there was a faint undertone of approval, like a seasoned negotiator recognizing when the terms were fair, if firm.

“I understand your position,” Putin continued, his gaze now returning to Kuchma. “Five billion dollars is not insignificant, but neither is the asset you propose to lease. Crimea is strategically, historically, and culturally woven deeply into our national fabric. Some in Moscow will say any price is too low. Others will say any negotiation is too generous. But I,” he paused slightly, “I say that a deal built on clarity is better than one built on illusion.”

He motioned subtly to one of his aides, who retrieved a slim black folder marked with economic projections and military forecasts. Without looking at it, Putin continued.

“We are prepared to agree to the one-time payment of five billion U.S. dollars, under two conditions.”

His tone had cooled to something more clinical now—less philosophical, more legal.

“First: that the lease include full exclusive military and administrative rights, with Ukrainian civilian administration reduced to a ceremonial presence. Second: that the agreement includes a no-reversal clause for the full duration of ninety-nine years with mediation handled through neutral arbitration, not unilateral action.”

He let the words sink in before adding:

“You mention the cost could be offset by military equipment. I am not open to that. We can offer a package, we will offer the money as well as a military package of air defense systems, support aircraft, even advanced radar delivered on a timetable aligned with your national budget.”

A pause.

“As for the Hong Kong comparison,” he said with a flicker of a smile, “you are right. That was colonialism. This is contract. A far more elegant solution.”

He closed the folder, then looked back to Kuchma.

Cyclonic

 

[Cyclonic]

At this, State Secretary Marchuk bristled with frustration. He passed a scribbled note to Kuchma.

This doesn't sound like the policy of a Ukraine First President!

He was right, of course. Kuchma had campaigned on a policy of Ukraine First- and although he had won the last election through intimidation, it was obvious that even his own party would be reluctant to approve the deal. But Ukraine needed the money to pay for their military expansion. And Russia was the one reliable ally who could make that military expansion possible. Thinking of the bigger picture, a peninsula somewhere in the south might be a good trade... It was well known that Ukraine regarded its only vulnerability to be the Black Sea. If they could count on someone else to handle the Black Sea for them, well, they would be many times safer.

He whispered some words to this effect to Marchuk, who shrugged. He was only a State Secretary, after all. He implemented policy, not make it.

Kuchma nodded. "Russia will have near-total sovereignty over the peninsula. Russian law will be made by Russian politicians and enforced by Russian police in Russian courts. The only reason Ukraine would consider reversing the lease is if the peninsula was used in war against Ukraine itself. In such a case we will resort to arbitration as you mention, but other than that you are free to use the base as you wish."

There was an air of resignation among the Ukrainian delegates when Kuchma finished. Even Kuchma himself had lost the facade of enthusiasm he had brought into the room; his face was blank.

Zak

 

[Zak]

Putin sat still as Kuchma spoke, betraying no emotion beyond the steady gaze he held over steepled fingers. The room was heavy with the weight of compromise — or, as Putin preferred to see it, inevitability. Kuchma's tone had changed; the steel had been replaced with resignation. That was the true marker of victory.

As the Ukrainian president finished, Putin allowed a pause to hang in the air just long enough to let the silence settle like fog across the table. Then, with a slight incline of the head, he leaned forward.

“President Kuchma,” he began smoothly, his voice low but unmistakably firm, “Russia appreciates your pragmatism and your understanding of the strategic balance in the region. The Black Sea has always been a shared concern. You are not ceding security. You are ensuring it.”

He glanced at Marchuk, briefly acknowledging the man’s visible discomfort, before returning his gaze to Kuchma.

“The terms are more than acceptable. Near-total sovereignty, clear legal jurisdiction, and the understanding of arbitration in the rare event of misuse this is a generous accord. One history will remember as a choice made not out of weakness, but of vision.”

Putin straightened his jacket, the faintest trace of a smile tugging at his lips.

“Let it be said that in Kyiv today, two nations secured peace in the south. We understand each other, we want the best for our countries. Let the West read what they will. We-..” his eyes swept the room slowly, “We understand each other.”

He tapped the edge of the table twice, signaling to his aide to begin present the final draft agreement to the room.

Strategic Lease Treaty

Treaty on the Strategic Lease and Joint Security Arrangement Concerning the Crimean Peninsula​

Between the Russian Federation and Ukraine

Preamble:

The Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of Ukraine, hereinafter referred to as "the Parties":

• Recognizing the strategic importance of the Crimean Peninsula to regional stability and shared security;
• Seeking to avoid further political or military confrontation in the Black Sea region;
• Desiring to establish a framework that guarantees the rights of residents in the region, while clarifying administrative and military control;
• Pursuing mutual economic, diplomatic, and security benefits;

Hereby agree to the following:

---

Article I – Lease of Territory​

1. Ukraine hereby grants the Russian Federation a 99-year lease over the territory of the Crimean Peninsula, including associated ports, airfields, and infrastructure.
2. This lease shall enter into force upon ratification by both Parties’ legislatures and may be renewed upon mutual consent.

---

Article II – Sovereignty and Administration​

1. Ukraine retains sovereign ownership of the Crimean Peninsula.
2. The Russian Federation shall exercise full administrative and military authority within the leased territory for the duration of the lease.
3. Ukrainian symbols, heritage sites, and civilian institutions may be preserved and supported through bilateral cultural cooperation agreements.

---

Article III – Civilian Protections and Rights​

1. All Ukrainian citizens and ethnic Russians residing in Crimea shall retain their full legal rights, including:
   • The right to maintain their citizenship and identity;
   • Freedom of movement within and outside the Peninsula;
   • Access to education, healthcare, and public services.
2. Russian and Ukrainian authorities shall jointly establish an Ombudsman Commission to monitor and resolve issues related to civil rights and minority protections.

---

Article IV – Military Use and Joint Security​

1. The Russian Federation shall have the right to:
   • Maintain a permanent naval and air force presence;
   • Operate military facilities and secure perimeters;
   • Construct and maintain strategic infrastructure.
2. No chemical weapons shall be deployed or stored on the territory without mutual consent.
3. Ukraine shall maintain a liaison military mission in Sevastopol for ongoing coordination and communication.
4. A Joint Security Committee (JSC) shall be established to prevent miscommunication and deconflict military operations in the Black Sea region.

---

Article V – Compensation and Financial Terms​

1. The Russian Federation shall pay two fees, one of $2.5 billion USD to take joint-control of Sevastopol Naval Base then another fee of $2.5 billion USD to Ukraine upon full control being handed to Russia.
2. Additional annual financial or material support may be negotiated, including in-kind defense transfers (e.g., radar systems, air defense, aerospace cooperation).

---

Article VI – Legal Dispute Resolution​

1. Any disputes arising under this Treaty shall be resolved through diplomatic channels or neutral arbitration via the Global Assembly in The Hague
2. Neither Party may unilaterally terminate this agreement within the lease period, except in cases of material breach or armed aggression.

---

Article VII – Timeline of Implementation​

1. Upon the signing of this agreement and pending ratification by both Parties, the Russian Federation shall be granted immediate and unrestricted access to the Sevastopol Naval Base for the deployment and stationing of up to six vessels, with support personnel and logistical facilities as needed.
2. The full administrative and military transfer of authority over the Crimean Peninsula shall take effect on (B]OOC:[/B] September 1, 2025), at which point all provisions outlined in this Treaty will become fully operational.
3. Between the signing and the full handover, both Parties agree to maintain a transitional coordination office in Sevastopol to ensure smooth operational, legal, and civilian continuity.

Article VIII – Final Provisions​

1. This Treaty shall be written in Russian, Ukrainian, and English, each version equally authentic.
2. It shall be signed by the respective Heads of State and ratified by the national parliaments within 60 days.

---

Signed at Sevastopol, this day of [04/11/2006].

For the Russian Federation
Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin
President of the Russian Federation


For Ukraine
________________
President of Ukraine

---

Behind the diplomacy, though, Putin's thoughts turned inward. A peninsula was just land. But land with a port? With reach? That was power. And power, unlike promises, endured.

Cyclonic

 

[Cyclonic]

Kuchma smiled as the document was handed to him. He took a pen from his breast pocket and signed the document with a flourish. "The Rada will receive this treaty as soon as possible. You can be sure that we will arrange for it to pass."

Marchuk raised his eyebrows, but said nothing.

"This is yet another symbol of the strong relationship between our two countries," Kuchma declared. "A Black Sea protected by the Russian international order is a Black Sea made safer for Ukrainians. And the financial payment will help fund a stronger Ukrainian military to protect our sovereign interests."

Was he convincing the room, or convincing himself?

"If there is nothing else, Vladimir Vladimirovich, this is a good position to end at. The technical details on the gas projects in the Black Sea will be worked out by our engineers, and we will begin the process of withdrawing from Crimea immediately. Thank you for these fruitful and productive discussions; they are incredibly helpful to our foreign policy going forward."

Zak

 

[Zak]

Putin rose slowly, buttoning his jacket with deliberate care. His expression remained composed, but there was a sharp glint in his eyes — the kind that only came with the satisfaction of a long game unfolding just as planned.

He extended his hand across the table, grasping Kuchma’s with a firm, measured grip. “Thank you, Mr. President. History will remember that today, in this very room, statesmen chose stability over sentiment, and strategy over stagnation.”

Releasing the handshake, he nodded once more to the Ukrainian delegation, his tone calm, but with just enough weight to remind them who had shaped the outcome.

“The engineers will handle the pipelines. The politicians,” he added with the faintest trace of irony, “have done their part.”

Turning, he walked with his aides toward the doors, the air outside carrying the chill of a late Sevastopol afternoon. But inside, Putin felt nothing but warmth, the warmth of narrative control. Crimea, returned without force, Russian law, entrenched on the peninsula, energy interests secured beneath the Black Sea.

And soon, the headlines in Moscow would follow. "Putin Secures Historic Accord Without a Shot Fired." "Peace, Sovereignty, and Influence: A New Chapter in Russian Diplomacy."

He would return to Moscow not just as a statesman but as a strategist, a patriot, and, in the eyes of many, a hero.

Cyclonic