Assembly's Duty

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Secret and secure unless contextually possible. | NSST 1.0 Architecture

January 7, 2005
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bangkok
10:00 ICT (GMT +7)​

Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Thailand​

Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, Speaker of the House of Senate of Thailand, stepped off the electric public bus in front of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Dressed in his customary black suit, the same one he wore daily to the National Assembly, today it symbolized his role as a representative of the upper chamber—the Hall of the Moon. As the bus pulled away, he moved toward the ministry's main entrance. A security guard, seated at a modest yet technologically advanced post, greeted him with genuine warmth. "Wan Nor! What a pleasant surprise! Please, make yourself at home. I've got this gate covered. Have a great day!" Wan Nor chuckled and returned the greeting before continuing on.

The ministry's sleek design blended effortlessly with its surrounding greenery. The landscape was serene, with public servants gathered near a small garden, chatting softly about the latest international developments. A group of female workers noticed him, and one called out playfully. "Speak of the devil! Wan Nor, we were just talking about you. Mind helping us out for a second?" He nodded, walking over. "Mink here thinks the Legislature can't overturn an Executive decree on national security. Care to set her straight?" With a slight bow, Wan Nor began explaining. "The National Assembly is a vital pillar in Thailand's system of checks and balances. Our Constitution grants the Legislature ultimate authority, provided it remains closely tied to grassroots movements, such as the community assemblies."

Wan Nor resumed his course toward the interior of the building, public servant walked around in a lively manner, reflecting their satisfaction with their working environment and condition. He greeted several officials before arriving in front of the modest office of the Thai Foreign Minister, Surakiart Sathirathai. With three customary knocks, the door’s biometric scanner received an instruction from inside to recognize that Wan Nor’s fingerprint was authorized to unlock the door. Wan Nor swung the door opened, greeting Surakiart in traditional Thai way. Although the foreign minister was already a friendly figure, he had been showing more enthusiasm recently. “I presume you have been over the moon about the successful normalization of our relationship with Britain, correct?” Wan Nor quipped in a calm and sincere tone. “With each passing days, it seems we are working together with the capitalists instead of showing solidarity with our socialist fellows internationally.” Wan Nor remarked as he sat down.

Surakiart laughed delightfully before his face turned somber. “Yes, it is the triumph of diplomacy that has allowed Thailand and the United Kingdom to normalize our relationship.” He paused to weighed his words. “But don’t take it as the government is being complacent on the international stage. This is the way forward as we need to create a positive image of socialism and communism. The Soviet Union was certainly a disappointment among our socialist comrades. They failed to live up to the democratic and humanist ideas of Marxism. We will be engaging again in April where our ambassador will enter a bilateral discussion with the British Foreign Minister. First Secretary Lyons avoided answering my question about whether the United Kingdom is committed to sending a delegation to join the seventh anniversary of our Republic. But I digress. Let’s talk about why you are here.” Surakiart finished as he looked at Wan Nor.

Wan Nor readjusted his posture, his expression growing more focused as the conversation turned serious. "It’s reassuring to hear your thoughts," he began, his tone measured but firm. "Though we belong to the same party, I represent the provincial interests of our country—and more critically, the voice of our grassroots. This morning, the Senate International Relations Committee—SIRC—released a statement expressing concern about a leaked report from a confidential source within the Pentagon. It suggested that New Zealand could be blacklisted from purchasing American military products depending on the terms of its strategic partnership with us. "While we know that foreign actors have been stirring anti-Thai sentiments in New Zealand, leading to the treaty’s rejection in their parliament, SIRC sees this potential Pentagon action as a coercive tactic—a manipulation of military sales to pressure sovereign nations into aligning with U.S. foreign policy. As the upper chamber tasked with safeguarding our nation’s socialist ideals, we cannot allow imperialist tendencies like this to encroach on our sphere of influence in the South Pacific. It’s a blatant violation of national sovereignty, one of the core principles of international law." Wan Nor paused, his eyes locking onto Surakiart, waiting for his response.

Surakiart exhaled, swiveling his chair slightly before answering, his voice laced with concern. "Benjamin V. Sinclair, the newly elected President of the United States, is a complex figure. Though his campaign platform wasn’t as aggressively anti-socialist as Henry James Sharp’s, his opposition to socialism and communism is clear. We had hoped for a different outcome with Democratic candidate Jackson Conor Fitzgerald, whose platform was more compatible with ours." He leaned forward, his tone growing more serious. "Yes, we’re on the same page. This signals a dangerous resurgence of Cold War-era thinking—an antagonism that wrongly conflates our democratic socialism with the authoritarian state socialism of the Soviet Union. But our model is fundamentally different. We’ve rejected the dictatorship of the proletariat, that narrow vision where only a vanguard party leads the way to communism. Instead, our approach is rooted in democratic socialism—driven by communal ownership and progressive values, closer to the principles of the U.S. Democratic Party than to Marxist-Leninist doctrines." Surakiart paused, letting the weight of his words settle. "The key to the future lies in grassroots movements and participatory democracy. That’s the force that will continue to advance our vision of socialism—and eventually, communism." With a deep sigh, Surakiart turned to his computer, his gaze distant as he checked his emails, signaling the end of his turn.

Wan Nor took a moment before responding, his tone calm but firm. "Then I believe the executive branch should now focus its resources on solidifying our relationship with the United Kingdom. We’ve gained crucial momentum in regaining Britain’s trust, and communication is key. The Senate expects the Executive to present Thailand in a favorable light—not just through rhetoric but through concrete actions. If it weren't for our Republic's founding father, Chuan Leekpai, now serving as Secretary of the Government, I doubt your administration—or the current Australian government—would have been capable of normalizing relations with Australia." Wan Nor paused, tapping his fingers thoughtfully on the table. "Local news is reporting that an American Carrier Strike Group has entered Australian territorial waters, and our own naval group is positioned just 33 kilometers outside their Exclusive Economic Zone. Sinclair’s new administration is unlikely to pursue normalization with us, despite the fact that we are more democratic than they are. We must tread carefully—no one wants another naval standoff between two of the world’s most powerful nations. The U.S. remains a military superpower, and its intelligence apparatus is undoubtedly keeping a close eye on our armed forces. Does the government have any plans to address this issue?" His gaze remained steady, his question earnest.

Surakiart composed himself before responding, his voice measured and thoughtful. "Yes, we do. Any military action involving a foreign country requires approval from the Foreign Ministry, where my input is respected. We are prioritizing restraint and clear communication with American forces should any contact occur. The Defense Ministry has been cautious in adjusting our military posture; we must maintain the moral high ground, aligning our actions with both our socialist ideals and international law." He paused, a trace of disappointment in his tone. "It's unfortunate that Sinclair seems too fixated on the past to see a future where Thailand and the United States could continue the strategic alliance we forged during the Cold War. President Al Gore, under whom Sinclair served as Vice President, was a principled leader. He raised Fitzgerald to be the Democratic nominee, someone we could have worked with. But we can’t dwell on the past for too long. My ministry's goal is to keep our interactions with the United States minimal, maintaining the status quo while avoiding unnecessary conflicts." Surakiart leaned back slightly, his tone shifting to a more reflective one. "Yes, Chuan was the key player in normalizing our relations with Australia, but I doubt the Australian government is committed to strengthening ties with us in the short term." He finished; his words tinged with pragmatic realism.

Wan Nor adjusted his suit, nodding in understanding. "I’ve made the Legislature’s stance clear. The SIRC will continue to scrutinize your foreign policy, and we will hold you accountable to the principles of democratic socialist internationalism. On that note, you and several other ministers are summoned to the Hall of the Moon next Tuesday—we have questions that need answering. And on Wednesday, the lower chamber will be expecting Thaksin for the Prime Minister’s Questions." He paused for a moment, his tone cordial but firm. "It’s been a pleasure speaking with you." With that, Wan Nor offered Surakiart a traditional Thai bow before turning to leave the Foreign Ministry, his steps purposeful as he headed back toward the National Assembly.​

 

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Secret and secure unless contextually possible. | NSST 1.0 Architecture​

Monday January 17, 2005
National Assembly of Thailand, Bangkok
15:00 ICT (GMT +7)​

Inside a meeting place of the Assembly Joint Defense Committees (AJDC)​

Today, the National Assembly’s Joint Defense Committee convened with legislators, security experts, and independent investigative journalists filling the room. After the Speakers of both Houses and the Leader of the Opposition received classified defense briefings, they agreed to merge the lower and upper chambers' separate discussions into a joint session. Among the attendees were Chuan Leekpai, the Government Secretary; Sutin Klungsang, the Minister of Defense; and Surakiart Sathirathai, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The atmosphere was intense but respectful, with all participants focused on national interests, despite differing views on the best course of action. As the debate grew more heated, sparked by a controversial comment from a member of the National Socialist Party (NSP), Padipat Suntipada, the young President of the National Assembly, raised his hand. Silence fell across the room.

“Thank you,” Padipat began with a sincere smile, his tone calm yet firm. “As I’ve mentioned, the subject we are discussing is highly sensitive, and it’s crucial we maintain a respectful and civil discourse. Adhering to formal procedures is essential.” He paused, glancing down at the reports in front of him. “Today’s session focuses on the government’s report concerning Operational Nile Sunrise. My understanding is that Prime Minister Thaksin authorized this operation on the recommendation of the Office of Foreign Intelligence. Given the classified nature of this information, I have restricted press access to this meeting. That said, we do have several respected investigative journalists present who have covered Thai-Egyptian relations extensively. However, as this matter involves national security, I must remind everyone that our findings should not be made public until committee protocol allows.” He paused again, nodding toward the Leader of the Opposition. “I believe Opposition Leader Abhisit has something to add before we continue.” Padipat muted his microphone, yielding the floor as the room settled into a more focused discussion.

“Thank you, Mr. President,” Abhisit began as he adjusted his microphone. His tone was measured, but there was a firmness beneath it. “The Democrat Party, along with my Shadow Cabinet and other opposition parties, cannot support the covert nature of this operation. Our position is clear—this approach contradicts the principles of democratic socialist internationalism. We are expected to openly stand with workers oppressed by authoritarian regimes and flawed capitalist democracies. While I agree that international socialist solidarity is vital, the Opposition disagrees with the methods employed here.” He paused briefly, scanning the room, then continued. “The Egyptian monarchy and its totalitarian structure may struggle to monitor their digital space, but this operation's very existence could jeopardize our efforts to normalize relations with the British Government. Some in this room are understandably hesitant to engage with a coalition government led by Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. That said, I’d like to hear from the Foreign Minister regarding the concerns raised by MP Sittipan of the New Democracy Party, particularly about the setbacks faced early on in this operation.” Abhisit then muted his microphone, nodding to Foreign Minister Surakiart, who unmuted his own with a composed expression.

“Yes, Mr. Opposition Leader,” Surakiart began. His voice was calm, yet carried an undercurrent of conviction. “Last year, the Internal Security Operations Command—ISOC—concluded that Egyptian Chief of International Affairs Moustafa Asker deliberately violated diplomatic and security protocols. He attempted to smuggle a Walther PPK pistol into the demilitarized zone around the Government House, presumably with the intention of assassinating our Prime Minister. Given his close ties to the Egyptian monarchy, which has, regrettably, turned Egypt into a rogue state, this act fits a disturbing pattern of disregard for international law—evidenced by their declaration of the Egyptian Interdiction Zone, or EIZ.” Surakiart paused, allowing the gravity of his words to settle before continuing. “However, the isolationist nature of the Egyptian state has complicated our efforts. Our initial attempts proved ineffective due to both technological and cultural misalignments—factors the Office of Foreign Intelligence failed to anticipate adequately. While OFI’s sophisticated operational security has been sound, I must take responsibility for the resources wasted on these early missions. We have since made the necessary adjustments, but the setbacks were significant.” He finished, his voice resolute as he muted his microphone.

Wan Nor, Speaker of the Senate and Vice President of the National Assembly, unmuted his microphone with a calm yet firm expression. “It’s disappointing that the OFI achieved such sophisticated operational security but failed to account for the distinct nature of the Egyptian state. However, the reasoning behind this is understood,” he said, briefly scanning attentive senators in the room. “Our chamber takes issue with this operation because it contradicts the fundamental principles of communism. A revolution, especially a communist one, must grow from within, sparked by the will of the people, not external interference. We are not revolutionaries seeking power at the expense of personal liberty. No, our goal is a society where freedom flourishes through communal ownership and mutual aid.” Wan Nor paused, letting his words sink in before continuing. “That said, I trust Defense Minister Sutin can offer further clarification on the defense-related aspects of this operation.” He nodded slightly and then muted his microphone.

Sutin, ever composed, nodded thoughtfully before addressing the assembly. “Thank you, Mr. Speaker.” His voice was steady, carrying the weight of responsibility. “The Republic Navy Mediterranean Command stands prepared to defend our national interests, should the situation escalate. However, due to Turkey’s instability following their loss in the Coalition War, we’ve opted against any offensive operations in that region. Our stance is purely defensive. It’s also highly improbable that the Egyptian monarchy would risk an open confrontation with our carrier strike group, especially given our presence in Turkish territory. Any attack on us would also be an attack on Turkey, an ally.” He paused to review his notes before continuing. “Our last significant interaction with Egypt was a judicial matter handled by our Mediterranean Navy. The NIA, back when it was still part of the Government, detained several members of the Egyptian diplomat’s entourage. They were handed over to the judiciary, which later found them innocent and ordered their immediate return to Egypt. Beyond this, Egypt poses no direct security threat, though we are aware that the monarchy has been accumulating vast capital—over $11 billion. The worst-case scenario is that they use these funds to acquire military assets, potentially including intercontinental ballistic missiles. That remains our primary concern at this time.” Sutin concluded with a nod, muting his microphone.

Padipat unmuted his microphone, his expression hinting at the bold suggestion forming in his mind. As the leader of the Thai Legislature, he understood the gravity of his words. “This situation is concerning. The prohibition and nonproliferation of strategic weapons is a clear requirement for all Global Assembly member states. Since Egypt is not a member, we must rely on the international community to prevent the sale of such weapons to them. But at this point, we’re dealing in speculation.” He paused for a moment, weighing his next words carefully. “I must say, I don’t believe covert operations against Egypt, or its monarchy, are the right path. There is always a more legitimate and principled way forward.” His words hung in the air, and the room seemed to collectively shift its attention toward him. Padipat’s eyes sparkled with an idea. “I propose we bring the Egyptian Interdiction Zone—our dear EIZ,” he said with a wry smile, “—to the floor of the Global Assembly. Many nations are concerned about this zone’s existence, and if our analysis is correct, the increased military activity of the British Air Force near Egypt is a direct response to it. Furthermore, the United States is unlikely to support such blatant violations of international law.” He paused again, letting the weight of his strategy settle over the room. “With our efforts to normalize ties with the United Kingdom, we’re presented with an ideal opportunity to collaborate with our western allies. I know some of you here might scoff at the idea, but I’m convinced this is our chance to kill two birds with one stone.” Padipat chuckled softly at his own audacity before muting his microphone, his eyes scanning the room as he awaited the assembly's reaction.

Amidst the weighty silence that had settled over the room, Chuan Leekpai, Secretary of Government and the Founding Father of the Thai Republic, calmly unmuted his microphone. His voice, though measured, carried a deep conviction. “Very bold, Mr. President of the National Assembly,” he began, his words cutting through the tension like a blade. The room collectively stilled, surprised by Chuan’s directness. It was rare for him to take such an explicit stance in committee meetings, and rarer still for him to address a potentially controversial issue head-on. “I find your suggestion intriguing,” Chuan continued, his tone even but pointed. “Perhaps we could mark this as a potential conclusion to our meeting today.” The shock was palpable—eyes widened as they turned toward him. “This Republic,” Chuan said with quiet authority, “is built on cooperation—whether domestic or international. Without that, we are nothing. So why, then, do we find ourselves considering a covert operation that risks undermining our image and standing on the global stage? This is not the path of wisdom.” He paused, letting his words sink in before turning his gaze to Opposition Leader Abhisit Vejjajiva. “I believe a representative of the people, such as Mr. Vejjajiva, would agree with me.” Chuan’s gaze lingered on Abhisit, a man whose political career he had once helped guide during the days of the absolute monarchy. There was a quiet power in his words, a reminder of the history and shared responsibility between them.

Abhisit nodded thoughtfully, allowing a moment to pass before unmuting his microphone. “Absolutely, Mr. Secretary. The Shadow Cabinet under my leadership has always made it clear that our international stance aligns with our socialist comrades, regardless of their gender identity. We must prioritize international cooperation. While the Democrat Party might have preferred direct involvement with other socialist states, we cannot overlook the blatant violations of international law by the Egyptian Monarchy. If this committee is serious about requiring the Executive to submit a resolution to the Global Assembly regarding the Egyptian Interdiction Zone, the Opposition will support this—provided the focus remains on upholding international law, rather than any imperialistic ambitions, which are antithetical to socialist principles.” He paused, turning his attention to the Foreign Minister. “Is this something you’re prepared to lead, Minister Surakiart?”

Surakiart nodded, his expression composed as he unmuted his microphone. “Yes, Mr. Opposition Leader. The Executive is unwavering in its commitment to legislative supremacy, in line with our dedication to democratic socialism and the eventual realization of communism. If this committee deems it appropriate for the administration to submit a resolution concerning the EIZ to the Global Assembly, we will comply without hesitation.” He continued, “The Speaker has already outlined our collaboration with influential nations like the United States and the United Kingdom. If these countries align with us on this issue, the resolution—if carefully crafted—stands a strong chance of passing in the Assembly, unless Egypt manages to rally significant opposition. The Egyptian monarchy’s declaration of the EIZ will prove to be a grave error, especially considering their reckless disregard for international law and national sovereignty. It’s ironic that a nation, once a victim of Western imperialism, now chooses to undermine the very sovereignty it once fought to protect.” Surakiart’s words hung in the air, a measured yet powerful condemnation of Egypt’s actions, underlining his commitment to diplomacy and international law.

Wan Nor adopted a thoughtful posture before addressing the room. “It seems we have reached a consensus on how to address the setbacks in Operation Nile Sunrise. With the sole proposal being to bring the issue of the Egyptian Interdiction Zone to the Global Assembly, I ask those in favor to please raise their hands.” He paused, watching as most of the room signaled their agreement. The decision was clear: the committee had shaped the next significant move in Thailand’s foreign policy. “With no further discussion needed, I hereby declare that the Assembly Joint Defense Committee has concluded its deliberations on Operation Nile Sunrise. We will submit a binding recommendation to the Executive branch, tasking the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with drafting a resolution on the EIZ. The resolution will urge Egypt, in binding terms, to cease its implementation of the Interdiction Zone and reaffirm to the international community that national sovereignty is fundamental to international law. Every nation has the right to self-defense in alignment with the principles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Committee dismissed. Thank you all.” The room filled with applause as members expressed their gratitude for the collaborative and candid discussion.​