Turkish Elections 2007

[Jay]

 

[Jay]

Party Leaders​

Ayşe Çiller Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi​	Ali Babacan Demokrasi ve Atılım Partisi​	Meral Akşener İYİ Parti​
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan Refah Partisi​	İsmet Büyükataman Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi​	Ümit Özdağ Zafer Partisi​
Tuncer Bakırhan Halkların Demokratik Partisi​	Ahmet Davutoğlu Gelecek​	Rıdvan Turan Sosyal Demokrat Parti​

 

[Jay]

Presidential Candidates​

Muharrem İnce Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi​

Abdullah Gül Refah Partisi​

Selahattin Demirtaş Halkların Demokratik Partisi ​

Sabahattin Çakmakoğlu Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi ​

Kemal Okuyan Sosyal Demokrat Parti​

 

[Jay]

The wind in Ankara had changed. It wasn’t colder or stronger, just different. Posters flapped from lampposts with the red banners of Ayşe Çiller’s face smiling against her, Refah’s calligraphy-laced placards proclaiming “Adalet İçin Yeniden”—Justice Once More. Flyers slipped under doorways and car windshields like reminders of a funeral no one wanted to attend, but everyone had to. The election was all that anyone could talk about these days.

Deniz shouldered his bag and stepped out from the literature building of Ankara University, pausing at the gate where someone had scribbled on a Green Party poster: “Hayal Satıcıları”. A group of political science students were arguing nearby, voices like broken glass.

“I don’t trust any of them,” muttered one in a leather jacket, flicking ashes from his cigarette.
“CHP at least gave us the vote back,” replied a woman in a headscarf, clutching her books tightly.
“Gave it back?” the first one scoffed. “They took it in the first place.”

Deniz didn’t speak. He listened. That had always been his method, taking in the texture of the country through the spaces between words.

Across the street, a street vendor sold roasted chestnuts beside a volunteer in a DEVA jacket handing out leaflets. A short, older man yelled across the square: “They’re all the same! They’ll just change the color of our cages!”

Everywhere, the city was covered in ink and anticipation. Taxis had been draped in IYI banners, and the youth wing of the SDP had painted a mural over the crumbling university wall, a clenched fist breaking through barbed wire. It was already peeling.

What struck Deniz most, however, was not the volume of the election, but its permission to exist. For months, no one had truly believed it would happen.

People muttered in dormitories and cafés that the military would cancel the vote at the last moment. That General Kurt would find some “exceptional circumstance” requiring “intervention.” That ballots would go missing. That YSK would be a puppet. But then posters arrived. Then candidate lists were posted in every district. Then the date was set. And still the tanks remained behind their fences.

That night, Deniz took the metro back to Batıkent. At the station, a woman and her son were watching a public screen as the news blared headlines:

“Early voting has begun for Turkish citizens abroad, record turnout in Berlin and Amsterdam.”

Deniz got home, his mother asleep on the couch with a wool blanket over her feet. The television was still on, muted, with a news ticker crawling like an anxious insect. He poured himself a tea and sat.

On the screen, a reporter stood outside the YSK building behind her, protestors waved signs “Sivilleşmeye EVET!” (Yes to Civilian Rule). Another held up a placard shaped like a ballot box, cracked in two.

“With the campaign period now in full swing,” the reporter said, “polls suggest a tight race between the CHP and the Refah Party, with coalition dynamics set to determine the balance of power. Still, the true surprise has been the military’s continued silence.”

The screen flashed to images of Çiller shaking hands at a textile factory, Erdoğan touring a mosque in Konya, and a wide-eyed Green Party candidate planting a sapling somewhere near the Marmara coast.

Deniz leaned back and wondered if this was what history felt like when it wasn’t in the streets, but in the air. Subtle. Constant. Like wind. He didn’t know who he would vote for.
But for the first time in years, it felt like that question actually mattered.

---

Fatma Nur tucked a loose strand of hair back under her cream-colored headscarf and stepped into the university library. It was her favorite time of day, when the late sun filtered through the Ottoman windows and the marble courtyard outside began to quiet. In the past, she had often kept her scarf wrapped more tightly, conscious of how professors or classmates might glance, however briefly.

On the noticeboard by the law faculty entrance, election flyers competed for space. The university had tried to block the posters but the students persisted and kept posting them anyways. The CHP had softened its rhetoric, placing women, some veiled, most not, on its provincial tickets. Even DEVA, in a meticulously curated poster, featured a smiling hijabi entrepreneur giving a TED-style talk on innovation.

But Fatma Nur had seen this before. Symbolism didn’t impress her anymore. What she wanted was law. Real protection. A republic where women like her didn’t have to debate their humanity or prove their rationality to be taken seriously in court, in parliament, or in the street.

Earlier that day, she overheard her classmates murmuring in the cafeteria. “If CHP wins, we’re going to be drowning in this...” The first voice was thick with disgust. “It’s like a slow erasure of everything we fought for. You know, I hate it. ”

Fatma instinctively pulled her scarf a little tighter. She could feel the weight their judgment.

The second student, a girl with dark lipstick and a look of superiority, scoffed. “Honestly, I don’t get it. How can they think wearing that... thing... is freedom? It’s just oppression with extra steps.”

A tight, uncomfortable knot formed in her stomach. She forced herself to keep chewing, but her pulse was racing now. How long would they keep talking about her like this? Like she was a symbol of something they could just erase, like she wasn’t even human?

The first student, with a more frustrated tone, leaned in, lowering his voice. “It’s not even about the hijab anymore. It’s the whole idea behind it—what it represents. It’s like the past pulling us backwards, you know?”

She could almost feel his gaze on her, even without looking up. A part of her wanted to stand up, to turn and confront them, but she stayed frozen, caught between the weight of their words and the echo of a world that didn’t see her as a person.

Women like her. As if she were a demographic problem rather than a person.

Later that evening, Fatma Nur joined her mother in the kitchen as the news played in the background. The announcer was interviewing Ayşe Çiller, who promised to protect “the individual freedoms of every Turkish citizen, regardless of headscarf or haircut.” Her mother smiled gently. “Do you believe her?” she asked, stirring lentils.

Fatma Nur paused. “I want to.”

She had already registered to vote. It was her first time. She had spent hours poring over party platforms, comparing constitutional promises with actual candidate records. She had written in her journal that morning:

"I don’t want a revolution. I want normal. I want to walk into court someday as a lawyer and not have the robe feel like a disguise."

As the sun set over the Bosphorus, prayer call drifting faintly through the window, she opened her laptop to a debate stream.

---

The sesame oil hissed anyway, he kept it running out of pride, or perhaps out of fear that if he stopped, he might not start again. A battered Turkish flag hung limply from the cart’s handle. His hands, cracked, browned, permanent with oil, looked like they had been carved from bark.

It was near the roundabout in Fatih, where people came and went like tides. The mosque stood in the distance. Behind him, a political poster flapped against a rusted fence.

"BİR HALK YİNE DOĞUYOR."
— Social Democratic Party

The sight of it made his jaw clench. Just then, a group of SDP youth, no more than twenty, marched past in their bright red vests, laughing, handing out flyers with that same slogan. Clean-shaven boys and earnest girls with notebooks.

The vendor spat to the side. Then he shouted.

“Go ahead! March around with your slogans, your pamphlets! You ever tried selling chickpeas when your lira can’t buy a potato? Eh? You think you invented hunger?”

The students slowed, uncertain, as they glanced at one another.

He growled, his voice rising. “My brother was disappeared last year for protesting their rations! Don’t walk around like this country owes you anything!”

Others in the street turned their heads. But no one intervened. The youth, perhaps used to facing abuse from both left and right, merely offered a polite nod.
“Peace be upon you, uncle,” one of the girls said. “We hope the election brings better days.”

And just like that, they moved on, past the cart, past his memories.

The man fumed quietly for a moment. He took a cloth and wiped the edge of his cart furiously, even though it didn’t need it. His hands shook more than usual. He muttered curses, bitter prayers. A minute passed, then five.

Soon, two older men approached. One sold shoe polish. The other used to drive a dolmuş.

“Still alive?” one asked, slapping the vendor on the back.

“Barely,” he replied, pouring them each a small glass of steaming chai.

They sipped, standing beside the cart like generals around a war table, surveying a country neither of them could recognize anymore. They talked about inflation, about their children leaving for Germany, about rent.

“I got a nosebleed yesterday,” the dolmuşcu said, “and the hospital made me sign four forms just to tell me I wasn’t dying.”

The vendor didn’t laugh. His eyes wandered. The SDP poster still flapped in the breeze, taunting him. His knuckles tightened. He placed the tea glass down slowly and stepped toward the fence.

He would rip it. He would rip it until it begged for forgiveness. But just then, he heard a voice, small, hesitant, ashamed.

"Amca?"

He turned.

A girl, no older than ten, stood before him. Thin scarf, oversized sandals. Her eyes didn’t meet his.

“I’m not begging,” she said quickly, “but my sister hasn’t eaten since yesterday. Could I—do you have something? Just one sandwich?”

The air dropped out of him. The fire in his chest extinguished all at once.

He looked at her, then at the poster. Then back.

“Two sandwiches,” he said, clearing his throat, already wrapping them. “One for her, one for you. Understand?”

She nodded slightly before giving him a hug.

“And if she’s hungry tomorrow,” he said, voice barely steady, “you come here again. No shame in feeding your sister.”

She took the bundle with both hands like it was treasure, murmured thanks, and disappeared into the alley behind the metro.

He stared at the space where she’d stood for a long time.

The poster kept fluttering but he did not tear it down. His heart could only take so much in this country. Instead, he turned back to his cart, turned down the oil a bit, and whispered under his breath, not a curse this time, but a prayer.

“Yarabbi, bu sefer… bize huzur ver. Yeter. My God, this time… give us peace. It’s enough.”

---

At the metro station, the evening crowd swelled like a slow tide. Jackets were zipped. Faces were still. People moved slowly.

Deniz stood by the railing, headphones in his pocket, watching the trains come and go. He’d left campus later than usual, his bag hung heavy on his shoulder, but his mind was heavier. Posters for the CHP and Refah lined the turnstiles. Someone had scribbled “Freedom is not a slogan” in black ink over both.

Just down the platform, Fatma Nur clutched a book in one hand. She tried not to show how tense her shoulders were beneath her cream-colored coat.

Near the elevator, the falafel vendor stood beside his cart, which he pushed here in the evenings when the traffic calmed. None of them knew the others by name. They were threads in the same weary fabric. Passersby. Turks in a season of watching.

An older woman seated beside a shallow tray of beaded bracelets, knitted keychains, and Nazar amulets began to hum. Her voice, when it came, floated into the station like the scent of jasmine before a summer rain.

“Memleketim…”

The word landed like a pebble in water. A few stopped. Many didn’t.

But she kept singing, softly at first. The old patriotic ballad, "Memleketim," had survived coups, collapses, coalitions, and all the betrayals in between. Her voice was broken in parts, but full of memory.

“Bazen bir çiçek, bazen bir çocuk…
Bazen nazlı bir kuş, bazen bir sokak…”

A young man with earbuds took one out. A woman waiting for the escalator hummed quietly.

Then a cleaner joined in from the far end, his broom paused. Deniz closed his eyes as he took it in. Fatma Nur mouthed the words, barely audible as someone next to her began to hum the tune slowly. More voices joined. High, low, cracked, whole.

Young children looked on and some even tried joining on. They were singing for the old things that still lived beneath the noise, the ache of belonging, the weight of memory, and the stubborn belief that maybe, just maybe, this time, things could be different. They were all Turks in the end. Sons and daughters of this beautiful homeland.

Havasına, suyuna, taşına, toprağına
Bin can feda bir tek dostuma
Her köşesi cennetim, ezilir, yanar içim
Bi' başkadır benim memleketim
Anadolu bir yanda, yiğit yaşar koynunda
Âşıklar destan yazar dağlarda
Kuzusuna, kurduna, Yunus'una, Emrah'a
Bütün âlem kurban benim yurduma
Mecnun'a, Leyla'sına, erişilmez sırrına
Sen dost ararsan koş Mevlana'ya
"Yeniden doğdum" dersin, derya olur gidersin
Bi' başkadır benim memleketim
Gözü pek, yanık bağrı, türkü söyler çobanı
Zengin, fakir, hepsi de sevdalı
Ben gönlümü eğlerim, gerisi Allah kerim
Bi' başkadır benim memleketim

 

[Jay]

Ankara, on this cool February night, exuded an unmistakable energy that danced through the city's eclectic streets. The city's skyline, illuminated by the soft glow of streetlights, painted a vivid backdrop for the major elections underway. As the sun dipped below the horizon, the city continued to bustle as votes were counted across polling stations in the country.

The pulse of Ankara, a city at the crossroads of history and contemporary dynamism, quickened with the anticipation of an election that may prove to be the most consequential in Türkiye's history. The memories of division, foreign occupation, and a destroyed Türkiye rang across the city. Perhaps no more contrasted than in Ankara. The city had seen near-continuous anti-government protests over the past year, which began to wane. In the political scene, the polling didn’t seem to give one party a majority. Instead, many of the smaller parties now jockeyed to be in a position to play kingmaker.

The first elections since the army took power were going to be a challenge for the communists. They faced high levels of legal repression with the Turkish and Kurdish Workers’ Parties outlawed and their top leadership in jail, on the run, and scattered across the country. They used all legal tools available to them, but the communists faced not just institutional repression but societal-level condemnation.

After four years of rule, the Workers’ Parties had done much damage to their image that their canvassers were harassed and attacked. Posters adorned with the faces of candidates plastered on lamp posts and billboards adorned the streets, which were defaced with graffiti or straight-up ripped off.

As the clock continued to chime, and the lines thinned around elections, signaling that the time for voting was closing soon. Yet in the suburbs of Ankara, the hum of activity intensified around polling stations as citizens tried their hardest to vote.

It was in this suburb, a stronghold for the Workers' Parties, that votes were being made by workers just finishing their late shifts. Many of the polls across the country had already withered quietly and been laid to rest. Amidst the conducting of votes in the polling station, the rumors were quickly spreading across Türkiye that the Turkish Social Democratic Party had lost...and lost badly. Most of the rumors were spread by online bots on social media sites, which began spreading news that the military was rigging the election to favor the CHP.

The warmth of the city skyline could not fool anyone that a cold storm was brewing around Türkiye. In the quiet solitude of her official residence, lit dimly by the warm yellow lights casting on the burgundy walls, the weight of the election results bore down on Ayşe Çiller, who had stopped watching the results and instead stared aimlessly at the ceiling in the false comfort of her bed.

As her electoral staff were actively watching the elections in the CHP headquarters, Ayşe left knowing the reality of the situation she faced. She had done all she could, running an honest and legitimate campaign. She felt it then, as she circled around the offices of the CHP. The white ceiling seemly coming closer and closer as the clack from the clock ticked and ticked.

She couldn’t bear it anymore. She got up quietly, leaving her husband to sleep as she put on a robe. She slipped out of her room and returned to the rocking chair that overlooked the window and gave her a view of the TV. In the distance, she could gaze out into Ankara. Ayşe took another look outside, wondering if she had given it her all.

Overlooking the city, which was adorned with lights, the glow that radiated off the city was no sign of consolation. The election was not guaranteed. No matter what the polls said, she could feel that her message didn’t reach the entire population as she had envisioned. The once jubilant victory speeches were replaced by a deafening silence that enveloped the room.

She even began to think about what to do about the communists. The Social Democrats were simply a rebranded party for the remnants of the Workers' Parties. She campaigned on amnesty, a chance to turn the page, and to move forward as a country. Even though her advisors told her such a campaign would be drowned out by nationalists like the MHP. But the truth was, Ayşe couldn’t stomach it. The needless and endless cycle of violence. She owed it to the Turkish people to defend their liberty, both civil and political, to think and believe freely.

Still, she couldn’t stomach the idea that the same communists who oppressed the Turkish people and sold out the motherland would be let out free. Like leeches, they ate it from within as it withered away. How could justice prevail if she did not hold those who committed crimes against the Turkish people responsible?

The weight of responsibility settled on her shoulders, realizing her political future was just beginning...she could manage being an opposition leader...hell...she could even manage being a minister. But the thought of being the one responsible for the lives of 80 million Turks began to take a toll on her. She had to lead the Turkish people, but was consumed with the fear that she would fail.

In this private moment of reflection, Ayşe stood alone, her silhouette flickering behind her, in the dimly lit living room of her house. Amidst the silence, broken only by the distant hum as Ayşe hummed the tunes of her favorite song. Ayşe reached to flip the channel to different channels which predicted a CHP victory, growing as exit polls were being taken.

She watched in astonishment as lines continued to grow across the country as Turks voted again. Such faith and conviction, she thought, that the people must have, trusting a system that had only failed them. She folded her hands and could only think that she had a lot of work to do. She could not fail these people…

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stood with his hands clasped behind his back, staring silently at the glowing skyline of Ankara. Abdullah Gül walked up beside him, offering a small cup of dark, steaming çay.
"Here. You need this more than I do," Abdullah said, cracking the briefest of smiles.
Recep took it with a nod. "Teşekkürler."
Behind them, some of their close men who had been together since the early days, through prison, exile, and power, filed in slowly from the small mescit inside the compound, quietly gathering around a set of wooden benches placed around a brazier.

The mood wasn’t somber, but it wasn’t celebratory either. Abdullah glanced toward the television, where a commentator was cautiously announcing projections. "Looks like the CHP’s leading in the western provinces. Ayşe Çiller ran a strong campaign. Honest. Stubborn as ever." Abdullah said, taking a sip from his tea.
Erdoğan let out a low chuckle, barely audible over the wind. "She fought for more than votes. She fought for the rules. She could’ve cut a deal with the generals... hell, they probably offered her the palace gift-wrapped."
"But she didn’t," Gül said almost admiringly. "She kept her word. Even if it costs her power."
Erdoğan gave a slow nod, sipping his tea. "The real test, though, begins when she gets it. Opposition is easy. It's when you hold the pen that you see who you really are."

A silence passed. Only the rustling of the wind in the trees and the quiet murmur of a passing car interrupted the stillness.
One of the younger Refah leaders, a former mayor from Gaziantep, broke the quiet.

"The Social Democrats took a large bite out of our base, especially among the youth. That red rebranding worked. I think that there is still a lot to be done to shore up our social welfare credentials.
Another nodded. "I think we were hurt by our support to businesses and focus on the private sector. We didn’t adapt fast enough."
Erdoğan looked away, jaw tight. "They used the trauma. Twisted it into hope. The communists may have bled the country dry, but these so-called social democrats offered amnesia with a smile. The military coup had everyone scared. After the clash over the Presidency, it only solidified their fears that the military was here to stay."

"Indeed, there will be a lot of reflections, but that is for later," Gül said softly.
More tea was poured as the group chatted lightly amongst themselves.
Erdoğan turned to them, more animated now. "We were meant to speak for the people. That part doesn’t end with a ballot. We need to expand our brand and use this opportunity to show we can truly govern. What this country needs more than ever is someone who can inspire hope."

Gül stood slowly, adjusting his coat as a gust picked up. " This... is just halftime. We haven’t lost either. We are going to be leaders of the opposition. Let us remember we are on the same team however, to fight for a just and prosperous Turkiye.”

Erdoğan looked out into the darkness again. Somewhere, fireworks could be heard in the distance, faint and scattered.
"Let us celebrate tonight," he said calmly. "We retook our country today,” he paused. “Tomorrow, we get back to work."

As the city embraced the cool embrace of the night, the well-lit ambiance of the outside of the poll station began to shudder. The door swung open with a creak, allowing a group of men to step inside. Their entrance sent a subtle shiver through the air, as the atmosphere within the establishment suddenly shifted. Their black clothes, bald heads...and goatee only spelled trouble.

Dark, brooding eyes surveyed the room, calculating and vigilant. Each step resonated with a quiet confidence, echoing in the hushed murmurs of as the poll staff helped voters get their votes in. The staff looked at these new arrivals and felt a short shudder. As one lady spoke in Turkish to a man, helping to explain the process to him one of the men shouted profusely. "Speak Turkish! This is Türkiye not Shitistan." The sudden and thunderous shouting pierced the hall, shattering the peace of the electoral process casted a hush in the room as all eyes turned towards the source of the eruption.

"The voting should end soon...why are you letting these people vote. Where are there IDs!" The men shouted. One of them moving rapidly to the voter and grabbing him. "Are you even Turkish you Mutt?!" He said, causing one of the electoral staffers to rush and push him away. "That is not your right. Out of here now! This is illegal what you are doing. Go. Now!" He shouted as he separated the two men. "What we are doing? No. It is you that is conducting a sham election here. You are the traitors."

Outside, clad in nationalist insignias and waving party flags, protests came and voiced their grievances with increasing intensity as the poll station remained open close to 6 pm. As the atmosphere thickened the men who had just caused the ruckus looked at the others. "Hear that." One of them said. "That is the sound of the people." Quickly some of those who had come to vote would try to leave. But as they left outside they were beat by the crowd, accused of being illegal migrants and voting for the SDP. Others inside defiantly voted, not wishing to allow this extremism to ever grab hold of Türkiye ever again. Inside, one woman would quickly call the police and notify them. Things were quickly getting out of hand.

[Police Operator]: "This is 110, what is your emergency?"
[Meral Killiç]: "This is Polling Station 78 we have an active situation. Send help, please." Chanting heard in the background.
[Police Operator]: "Polling Station 78, what is the situation? Please advise."
[Meral Killiç]: "Please just com..." In the background. "Turn off that phone you whore!" The line went silent.

 

[Jay]

[Police Command]: "PÖH Unit Alert. Be advised. Active situation, Polling Station 78 on Mural Street, 14055. Reporting violence and disturbance outside polling station. Alert Alert. Red Red."

Across Amlaa police stations, various PÖH Commandos would begin assembling ad hoc teams as they prepared to intervene in the active situation. Men and women in clad black clothes continued to beat outside the polling station, trapping those inside, while inside, the three men continued to intimidate the pollers and the voters.

Outside, the crowds shouted "You can't hide! We have found you vermin!" They chanted as they banged on the doors. As they continued to shout, the blaring sound of sirens wailed as the police rushed to the scene. A block away, the regular police began to assemble in riot gear and waited to build up mass. The PÖH, however, waited for no such mass. Stopping at a parallel block, they donned their gear.

In the confined space of their armored police truck, the PÖH Operators under the soft glow of overhead lights illuminated their lockers. They put on their tactical gear, in clad in dark uniforms, they donned Kevlar vests, tactical gloves, and masks.

The metallic click of rifles being chambered reverberated through the armored truck as they checked their weapons. Captain Alep opened the door and the squad began to move towards the Polling Station from a rear entrance. The PÖH Commandos knew they couldn't take on the hundred-plus mob. They would enter through the back of the school building.

Entering, Operator Kohl brought out his camera lens, which he stuck under the door. Kohl scanned the room. He identified five men harassing voters. He signaled with his hands to the Captain that there were five hostiles with twenty-eight civilians.

Captain Hulusi came forward, as Kohl explained their immediate surrounding. Hulusi signaled Selcuk and Bayrak to come forward. He whispered softly to Bayrak to open the door and Selcuk to move in to secure the second door that opened into the voting hall.

Hulusi waited as Kohl maneuvered backwards next to Saka and Ozbilgin, then, nodded to Bayrak. Bayrak slowly opened the door, trying to minimize the sound as to allow Selcuk to move to the second door and close it. Once secured, the rest of the squad moved in. Bayrak then secured the door behind them.

At the second door, Kohl would wiggle up as he mirrored the door. To their direct left there was a huddled group of civilians who had sought refuge. A handful of others were scattered across the room, while at the fron,t the poll staff were confronting the instigators.

Hulusi would move to the front. He decided it would be best to get the group of twelve civilians closest to them out. He would have Ozbilgin guide them and keep them secure. He pecked the door, whispering to those closest to him to be quiet and move towards him. He pushed the door, allowing it to swing as he, Bayrak, Kohl, Saka, and Selcuk moved behind the counter.

The twelve civilians crouched and waddled to the back door as Ozbilgin secured them and made sure they were all unarmed and safe. The commotion in the back caused the neo-nazis to push through the pollers, slapping one in the fac,e causing her to fall, and move to the back. "Who are you! Huh. What are you all doing there?! Bringing in extra fake votes. Come here you Muts!" One of them shouted.

As they got closer, judging based on the sounds, Hulusi waited until they would be a little distance between them. Once the voices got to that point, Hulusi used his fingers to signal to his team. They quickly stood up, raising their weapons at the men and began screaming to get on the ground. As Bayrak and Saka maneuvered to arrest the men. As they arrested them, the pounding stopped outside.

Outside it had been around fifteen minutes. The Ankara Police had acquired mass. Their commanding officer, Officer Karaman would assemble his eighty-five officers into a standard formation. Twenty-five officers made up the front echelon while six stood behind them. Three were armed with pepper spray, and three with rifles armed with rubber bullets. Karaman commanded from behind this second line. Alongside him would be the arrest officers, while behind him would be the rear echelon.

As the chanting and pounding continued, Karaman signaled his men to move forward. Like a blob, the officers trekked slowly towards the crowd assembled next to the polling station. As they got closer, a few from the crowd would break and run away. As they fled their comrades jeered and booed at them. Those rallying the crowd would pivot the attention of the group from the polling station and towards the police line.

One got up and began screaming to the crowd, "Here comes their fascist dogs. Show them we won't let them pass!" With that, the crowd moved towards the officers. Some threw stones while others threw whatever they could get their hands on. As Karaman's men began to get pelted, he ordered them to pick up the pace towards the rioters.

As they got closer, he whistled and had them slow down allowing them to march in sync and close the gaps in their lines. As the rioters began to continue to move towards them, Karaman's whistled a last time to get his men to stand firm. Once the line was stable, checking the lines himself, he was handed a microphone by his subordinate officer.

"In accordance with the laws of the Republic, these gatherings are illegal. They must be disbursed. I repeat. You must disburse immediately." As the crowd drew closer, he repeated again. "In accordance with the laws of the Republic, I repeat. You are in violation of the code for assembly. You are in violation by threats to voters to the National Electoral Law. Disburse immediately or face arrest." To no avail. Karamans watched as the group got closer.

"You are hereby in violation of the laws. Your continued presence is illegal." As the far-right hooligans clashed with the police, the second line would occasionally pick out the most aggressive of the bunch to hit with pepper spray. As they were incapacitated, the front echelon would open a small gap and allow the arresting line to seize them.

This tactic would be repeatedly employed over the course of two hours as the neo-nazis continued to clash with police. By this point, the PÖH Commandos had evacuated from behind the school and successfully detained all five men inside.

As the situation continued to escalate outside, with police already arresting over fifty rioters, it was clear they could not contain it. Captain Hulusi would inform Officer Karaman that the polling station was clear over the radio. Karaman peered over the wall of shields in front of him. The crowd was getting bigger, and the night was closing. As the situation developed, Karaman's finally began to radio the main station.

[Officer Karaman] "Command, be advised this is Alpha-01. Commandos have secured the site. I repeat. Commandos have secured the site. 35 civilians rescued. Repeat: 35 civilians rescued. Polling material extracted. Be advised. Situation outside deteriorating, requesting permission to disengage and move backwards. Additional assets requested to allow for full withdrawal."

[Police Command]: "Be advised, Alpha-01. Additional units are on their way. I repeat. Are on their way. Hold your position.

[Officer Karaman]: "Negative command, be advised. Situation untenable. I repeat situationis untenable."

[Police Command]: "Affirmed. Situation untenable. Hold. I repeat Hold."

Karaman huffed as he turned off the radio. God Damn it, he thought. He surveys the streets in front of him. He knew if he stayed where he was, he would be overwhelmed. He looked at the front echelon, getting tired by the minute as they were being shoved back and forth by the crowd. He called in the rear echelon to relieve the front echelon. The rear echelon formed a new line where the front echelon could walk backwards. Once there was a good meter between them, the rear echelon would open a hole in the center where they could run through.

With his front line stabilized, Karamans looked behind him. He noticed the road would get narrower. In front of him he noticed more thugs joining the crowd. Before he could proceed, what was happening a Molotov cocktail would explain right next to him. Two officers were alit as the flames blazed around him. Several officers in the rear line stepped forward to put out the flames.

Karamans looked up and knew he couldn't hold this position. He ordered the armored truck forward. As it slowly trekked forward. He placed officers with rubber bullets atop the truck and gave them permission to fire on anyone holding a Molotov cocktail.

The officers would be hesitant to shoot, worrying the cocktails would explode next to other civilians. They quickly noticed a cart carrying unlit cocktails in the rear of the group. Once they had a clear shot, both offices would fire, causing a small fireball to erupt. The fireball sent tens of the rioters fleeing.

Karamans organized a withdrawal backwards to funnel the rioters into a more manageable position. As night began to settle, the rioters withdrew backwards to regroup. They prepared their stockpiles of rocks and other flammable materials. Karamans, for his par,t had his men shoot into the crowd and fire tear gas to disperse them.

Night would settle in Ankara. Its scenic and quiet nights would be interrupted by bursts of flames, shining of lasers, and rocks pelting the ground. Violence erupted across the city as far-right rioters and protestors clashed with police.

The situation would eventually be contained as it overwhelmed the city's police services who didn’t expect this level of civil disobedience. Off-duty officers were called in, and whatever additional manpower that could be secured would rush to join officers battling well-organized groups. The police were hesitant to call in the military over fear it would cede the little power they had just regained.

A polling stations had been burnt down while twenty-six officers were injured. Police officers continued to battle the far-right gangs while PÖH Commandos launched calculated stings to apprehend rioters moving in-between streets or vehicles transporting rocks, Molotov cocktails, and other weapons.

As the PÖH and Police officers battled through the night, there would be a break in the fighting as officers pulled back to recover. They had arrested over 195 rioters already and found it difficult to keep detaining them and sending them on squad cars when available. Ultimately, the localized violence made it easier for the Police to concentrate their resources and to stop the violence from spreading.

 

[Jay]

Asena Oztürk looked at the camera, the blue TRT background glowing behind her as she started to read from the teleprompter.

“Good evening, viewers. The nation has now received the official results of Türkiye’s parliamentary elections, as announced by the Supreme Electoral Commission earlier today.

The final vote count is complete, and the Supreme Electoral Council has formally certified the outcome of this historic parliamentary election, the first to be held since the coup three months ago. The results underscore a significant political realignment in Türkiye, reflecting a change in the nation’s democratic journey.

The Republican People’s Party (CHP) has emerged as the largest parliamentary faction, securing 288 seats with approximately 48 percent of the popular vote. The CHP’s success is largely attributed to strong voter turnout in the western provinces, metropolitan centers like Istanbul and Ankara, and among secular and urban middle-class constituencies. Their message of constitutionalism, democratic restoration, and economic stability clearly resonated with a wide segment of the electorate.

The Refah Party secured 192 seats, amounting to roughly 32 percent of votes cast. The Refah Party capitalized on its appeal in Anatolia’s heartland and the religiously observant population, promising an agenda of social justice, national renewal, and values-based governance.

Smaller parties, including the Good Party (İYİ), the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), the Pro-Kurdish HDP/YSP alliance, and emerging groups such as the Zafer Partisi and the Green Party, secured the remaining seats in Parliament, reflecting a complex landscape of political and social currents.

This election marks a pivotal moment as it is the first fully free and fair parliamentary contest since the Turkish Workers Party seized power three years ago, which tested the resilience of Türkiye’s democratic institutions. The high voter turnout and the largely peaceful conduct of the polls demonstrate the public’s commitment to the democratic process and the rule of law.

Looking ahead, the political landscape suggests a challenging but hopeful path. The CHP, while holding a plurality, falls short of an outright majority in the 600-seat Grand National Assembly. Coalition talks are expected to begin, with the CHP likely seeking partnerships with ideologically aligned parties such as the Greens and the Good Party, and potentially elements of DEVA to form a stable government.

Meanwhile, the Refah Party and the nationalists remain poised as a formidable opposition, advocating for their vision of Türkiye’s future rooted in conservative and Anatolian values.

Observers note that maintaining national unity and advancing the agenda of democratic consolidation will be paramount in the months to come. The new Parliament faces significant responsibilities: stabilizing the economy, addressing social disparities, advancing constitutional reforms, and safeguarding Türkiye’s strategic interests both regionally and globally.


“We now take you live from the two major party headquarters, where celebrations are underway as the country awaits the next chapter of its democratic journey. First, we head to the Refah Party headquarters in Ankara, where party leaders and supporters are gathered following a strong electoral showing. Our correspondent, Murat Kaya, is on the scene. Murat, what is the atmosphere like?”

“Thank you Asena. The atmosphere here at the Refah Party headquarters is jubilant, despite the narrow margin separating the party from the largest parliamentary faction. Abdullah Gül and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are both present, sharing the stage with enthusiastic supporters. The hall is decorated with party banners, and the crowd chants show that the Refah party doesn’t feel like a loser today.

President Gül addressed the crowd moments ago, thanking voters for their trust and emphasizing the importance of unity and stability in the coming months. He praised the resilience of Türkiye’s democratic institutions following the coup and reaffirmed the party’s commitment to social justice, economic revival, and the protection of Türkiye’s democracy.

Erdoğan, visibly energized, called for constructive dialogue and cooperation with all political forces to ensure Türkiye’s progress and security. Both leaders emphasized their readiness to play a responsible role in the new Parliament, whether as government or opposition.

While the mood is celebratory, party officials stress the need for calm and patience as coalition negotiations commence.

Back to you Asena.”

“Thank you, Murat. We now turn to the headquarters of the Republican People’s Party in Istanbul, where party leader Ayşe Çiller is celebrating with supporters after securing the plurality of seats in Parliament. Our correspondent, Selin Yılmaz, is reporting live. Selin?”

“The energy here at CHP headquarters in Istanbul’s Beyoğlu district is electric. Asena. Supporters of the party are very very happy. They feel like winners today. And truly they are. No one is better suited to claim that success than Ayşe Çiller. Çiller has made the CHP electable again with the party winning its first election in over a decade. Çiller appeared before the crowd and expressed gratitude for the widespread support across Türkiye.

In her speech, Çiller stressed the historic significance of these elections as a testament to the Turkish people’s unwavering commitment to democratic principles following the turbulence of recent years. She underscored the CHP’s commitment to constitutional order, economic stability, and social cohesion.

However, the atmosphere is tempered by concerns over incidents of political violence in certain districts, which the party has condemned unequivocally. Observers note that the Social Democratic Party, viewed by many as a successor to the banned Turkish Workers’ Party (TIP), engaged in several disruptive acts during the campaign period. The CHP reiterated its commitment to peaceful democratic participation and called on all parties to reject violence. Violent far-right supporters of the MHP and Victory Party attacked polling stations, causing further concerns.

Supporters here remain hopeful that the election results will pave the way for constructive dialogue and national reconciliation.

Returning to the studio.”


“Thank you, Selin. As coalition talks will likely become the focus for both the CHP and Refah, Türkiye stands at a crossroads. The peaceful conduct of the election, despite isolated disturbances, and the active participation of voters offer hope for democratic resilience. TRT News will continue to provide comprehensive coverage as events unfold.”

“As the celebrations at CHP headquarters continue into the evening, it is important to reflect on the broader significance of this electoral victory, a success not without its complex historical and political undertones.

The Republican People’s Party, as Türkiye’s oldest political organization, carries a legacy intertwined deeply with the country’s secular Kemalist tradition. However, it has long struggled with a perception, both domestically and internationally, of being closely aligned with the military establishment, especially during periods of military interventions in politics.

This legacy has created concerns among many observers about the potential for democratic backsliding should a pro-military faction of the CHP assume power. The memory of past military coups, and the role played by some elements within the party in enabling or acquiescing to military interventions still lingers in the public consciousness.

Yet this election cycle, the party’s image was carefully and deliberately reshaped by its current leader, Ayşe Çiller. A leader of the reformist wing of the CHP, Çiller’s career has been marked by a clear commitment to democratic principles, constitutionalism, and civilian oversight over the military. Her pro-democracy credentials helped the party distance itself from the shadow of past military interventions, making the party more palatable to younger, urban voters deeply concerned about political freedoms and the rule of law.

Still, the party’s internal composition reveals a nuanced reality. Several senior CHP figures maintain longstanding ties with the military establishment, ties that remain influential within the party’s decision-making circles. Notably, Ayşe Çiller’s campaign manager, Emir Ergün, has been a key figure within the party’s strategic core and has ties to the military establishment.

What adds further complexity is the fact that Emir Ergün’s cousin was one of the leading officers involved in the coup that overthrew President Ayşa Arslan three months ago. That fact has fueled speculation and unease among some observers regarding internal loyalties and the party’s stance on civil-military relations going forward.

While no direct links between Ergün and the coup plotters have been substantiated, this familial connection underscores the enduring entanglement between political and military elites within Türkiye’s political fabric.

For now, Ayşe Çiller and her reformist allies within the CHP emphasize their commitment to democratic governance, transparency, and civilian control of the military. They have assured both domestic audiences and international partners that these elections represent a new chapter in Türkiye’s democratic evolution and one that rejects authoritarianism and embraces pluralism.

The coming weeks and months will be critical in determining whether these assurances translate into concrete political realities, particularly as coalition negotiations unfold and the new Parliament convenes.

This delicate balancing act between reform and legacy will shape not only the future of the CHP but also Türkiye’s broader democratic trajectory.

Reporting from Istanbul, this is Selin Yılmaz for TRT News.”

“Thank you Selin. Good evening and welcome to TRT News. For those just joining us, the Supreme Electoral Council has officially announced the final results of Türkiye’s parliamentary elections, the first to take place since President Arslan and her communist government were deposed in a coup last December.

The Republican People’s Party, or CHP, has emerged as the largest party with 288 seats in the 600-seat Grand National Assembly, securing roughly 48 percent of the vote. The Refah Party follows with 192 seats, representing about 32 percent of the vote.

Several smaller parties, including the pro-Kurdish HDP alliance, the Good Party, the Nationalist Movement Party, and others, have also won seats, reflecting the country’s diverse political landscape.

The elections were conducted peacefully overall, though isolated incidents of political violence occurred, mainly linked to fringe groups.

As Türkiye stands on the cusp of a new parliamentary term, coalition negotiations are expected to begin promptly, with important decisions ahead regarding governance and national unity.

With the votes now certified by the Supreme Electoral Council, tonight we look beyond the numbers, into the implications for governance, political realignment, and democratic consolidation in this post-coup period.

Joining me in the studio are Professor Melike Ersoy, a political scientist from Istanbul University specializing in democratization and civil-military relations. Faruk Karahan, a senior columnist at Yeni Gün and longtime observer of right-wing politics in Türkiye. Selin Aydıner, an investigative journalist and editor at Analiz24 and Retired Ambassador Kemal Tunç, formerly a civil servant in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.


The CHP’s electoral victory. Professor Ersoy, what does this result signify in historical terms, especially considering the party’s complex relationship with Türkiye’s democratic development?”

“Thank you Asena. Let me preface this by saying this is indeed a turning point. The CHP winning nearly 48% of the vote is not merely a political triumph, it is a social triumph for a party wrecked with the image of anti-democracy, statism, and corruption. For decades, the party struggled to shake the perception that it spoke primarily for an elite, urban minority tied to the state bureaucracy and, at times, the military. This election, however, reveals a much broader coalition including young urban voters, professionals, women, and coastal communities, both rural and urban was willing to back Çiller. While we will need to dig through the data, I am comfortable in saying that she has shown the hardliners in the party of a different vision of itself that still keeps the party electable.

That said, the challenge now is internal coherence. There are senior CHP figures with enduring ties to the military establishment. Ayşe Çiller has proven politically agile, being able to keep warm ties with a number of actors across the spectrum, but maintaining civilian supremacy and distancing the party from its historical flirtation with top-down authority will be critical going forward. Moreover, for Çiller, there is the issue that over one-third of her party comes from the hardline Ulusalists faction. The hardliners are unlikely to let Çiller and her Değişimciler faction take the party on a more progressive path.”


“Thank you, Professor. Mr. Karahan, turning to you: The Refah Party has returned as a powerful political force, eclipsing traditional right-wing actors like the MHP in many regions. What explains this resurgence?”

“In a word: authenticity, Asena. Refah positioned itself as the spiritual heir to Anatolian conservatism without the baggage of perceived corruption and fatigue that previous nationalist parties had accumulated in later years. Their messaging focused on economic dignity, religious renewal, and national sovereignty. Abdullah Gül gave them institutional legitimacy while Erdoğan energized their base. The two are a duo that should not be underestimated. Importantly, their party has held key municipal positions that allowed the party to flex its problem-solving and down to earth approach.

I know some people are dismissing them as just an opposition party but let me be clear: their 192 seats give them extraordinary influence, yet they must decide whether to serve as a constructive opposition or become naysayers. Much depends on how the CHP handles its reform mandate. The fact that Abdullah Gül won 51% of the popular vote for the Presidency, leading over the CHP’s Muharrem İnce, who won just under 28% of the vote, should be a warning to the CHP.

I’d also like to build on what Dr. Ersoy was saying by pointing out that İnce belongs to the Ulusalist hardline faction, and the electorate seemed to reject that uncompromising Kemalist agenda. So for me, the opportunity to restore the CHP’s electability will depend on what Çiller, if she can form a government, does in office to ensure democratic norms, manage the economic crisis, and bring the country together.”

“Thank you both. I’d like us to address one of the more intriguing aspects of this election: the discrepancy between the presidential and parliamentary results, and what it reveals about the electorate, voting strategies, public sentiment, and party leadership.

As our viewers are aware, the CHP secured 48% of seats parliamentary, but its presidential candidate, Muharrem İnce, received only 28.2%. Meanwhile, the Refah Party’s Abdullah Gül, who ran as a unity-minded statesman, earned 51.1% of the presidential vote, while the party’s parliamentary slate, led by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan managed to reach only 32%.

Professor Ersoy, I’ll start with you again. What explains this divergence?”

“This was an election where the presidency and parliament were decoupled in the voters’ minds. Voters distinguished clearly between the type of individual they wanted as president, a stabilizing, non-combative, and unifying figure, and the kind of party machinery they trusted to legislate, deliver on reform, and uphold democracy.

In Abdullah Gül, the Refah Party put forward a candidate with significant cross-party credibility. Though rooted in the Islamic conservative movement, Gül’s image, especially after the military’s intervention, has been that of a measured, diplomatic, consensus figure. Many moderates, even those leaning toward the CHP, preferred him to Muharrem İnce, who remains too polarizing, despite his rhetorical force.

In essence, Gül became a repository for anti-military, anti-chaos sentiment, and for many Turks, especially after the trauma of the coup, he offered change without polarizing confrontation. The man wasn’t aggressive and spoke to people with dignity.”

In contrast Muharrem İnce was a divisive figure. Despite being the CHP nominee, his confrontational tone, erratic media presence, and lack of coordination with party leadership led many centrist and liberal CHP voters to vote for the party but not for the man. İnce was combative, he was unapologetic of the deep pain many in the country have over the past decade, and he simply refused to back down when challenged. The contrast between İnce and Çiller and their styles also did not help the presidential hopeful, who polled poorly compared to Çiller.


“And what of the discrepancy on the Refah side, Mr. Erdoğan’s party securing only 32% while Gül earned 51%?” Asena asked looking at Faruk.

“This is a textbook case of split-ticket voting in a semi-presidential system. Gül is widely respected, even among some of the coalition that Çiller managed to bring together and centrists. But many voters were not yet ready to give Refah a legislative blank check, particularly because of Erdoğan’s leadership of its parliamentary campaign. Erdoğan remains a divisive figure; his populist rhetoric and confrontational style did not sit well with all segments of the electorate.

So voters made a strategic choice that they support Gül for his statesmanship, but deny Erdoğan a parliamentary majority. In fact, from the data we’re seeing, many urban voters who voted for Gül at the presidential level turned around and cast their parliamentary vote for CHP or İYİ.”

Selin Aydıner weighted in “And I would add:this was a referendum not just on personalities but on governance models. The CHP offered an institutionalist, parliamentary roadmap. Many voters who feared overreach, even from a moderate, but still islamist president like Gül, rebalanced power by reinforcing the CHP in the legislature.

It’s also worth noting that Ayşe Çiller’s leadership of the CHP parliamentary campaign was crucial. She refused to contest the presidency herself, framing her role explicitly as a legislative reformer. That allowed the CHP to consolidate secular, center-left, and liberal votes while avoiding presidential fragmentation. In many ways, the CHP did not really run a presidential campaign or mount a serious campaign; instead it sought to secure a parliamentary majority instead. This can be attributed to the fact that Çiller is also fighting to control her own party which has center-left but also center-right to right-wing populists in it.”

Amb. Kemal Tunç figured this was the time to give his insight. “And from an international standpoint, I think this election should be read in two ways. I think that Gül at the presidential level assures foreign capitals of continuity and calm. There will be a check on the Prime Minister with another party controlling the presidency even if he has limited powers.

Moreover, Gül is coming into office with strong relationships. We did see Russia’s reaction, which seemed to hint that their horse in the race was Refah, given personal ties that their ruler Vladimir Putin has with Erdogan. In this way, Gül is able to split the foreign agenda by focusing his time with France and Russia two nations he has long-history with.

Çiller meanwhile has strong backing from Western countries like Poland and the United States. I am sure they would have wanted to see a stronger mandate in parliament to assure them of a functioning government, but I think that Çiller has shown she is the right person for this difficult job. Çiller can likely count on the fact that Gül isn’t going to play partisan politics and try to undermine her. At least not as much if İnce had won. Instability will look bad from the international community’s perspective and will ultimately hurt us.

Erdoğan’s influence within the Refah parliamentary group remains powerful, and he will likely assert pressure on Gül from within the party. Similarly, İnce’s poor performance may dampen the hardline factions within CHP in their ability to challenge Çiller. However, close ties between Çiller and Gül is likely to be a sore spot for both parties if they prioritize partisan politics over governance.


Professor Ersoy nodded “This divergence speaks to the personalization of executive politics in Türkiye. While parliamentary elections continue to be shaped by party loyalty, institutional memory, and ideology, presidential elections have increasingly become a referendum on leadership style, trust, and the personality of the candidate. Since the President is now directly elected by the people, the position has gained more political significance. However, despite this, the President's powers remain more symbolic and largely ceremonial, particularly in comparison to the Prime Minister’s role.

As Ambassador Tunç was alluding to earlier, under the Turkish system, the President is the head of state, with some limited executive powers, such as appointing key officials and playing a role in the legislative process through veto powers. But the Prime Minister, as head of government, is the one who holds real executive authority—managing the day-to-day governance, directing the cabinet, and shaping domestic and foreign policy. This distinction between the symbolic nature of the President's role and the practical authority of the Prime Minister is central to understanding Türkiye.


Asena nodded before turning to her next question. “Another issue we saw was that political violence during the campaign, particularly attributed to radical elements within the Social Democratic Party and the far-right, cast a shadow over an otherwise well-administered election. What is your assessment of this dynamic?”

Selin looked around the room as he answered “It’s one of the most troubling aspects of the post-coup political landscape. The banning of the Turkish Workers’ Party (TIP) left a radicalized void that the SDP, whether intentionally or not, partially inherited. While the SDP leadership officially denounced violence, several incidents, especially in Istanbul’s peripheral districts and in Adana, were directly linked to militant supporters or splinter factions.
I would however, want to emphasize that the more serious violence we saw was from the far-right and militants with ties to right-wing paramilitary groups and the MHP. They seemed to target communist strongholds in an attempt to suppress voting there. To me, that only shows that political violence may be making a come back and it will be an issue for whoever forms a government to address.

This poses a dilemma: How does a democratic society integrate leftist demands for economic justice without slipping into instability or provoking a security response? The incoming Parliament must address this through serious engagement, especially on youth unemployment and inequality.”


“Ambassador Tunç,” Asena said looking at the Ambassador. “As someone who served Türkiye abroad, how do you expect our allies and international partners to interpret these results?”


“For me I think the main view is that there is relative stability back in the country. Türkiye is geopolitically in a strategic location. For many, this is an opportunity to meaningfully reengage with the country after a decade of unstable, dictatorial, and hawkish regimes of different ideologies.

Ayşe Çiller, with her social-democratic orientation, is viewed as a stabilizing figure. But any reassertion of military influence, or signs of authoritarian drift from either bloc, will draw concern.

Additionally, Türkiye’s partners will watch closely how the government treats press freedom, judicial independence, and the Kurdish issue. International credibility now rests not just on rhetoric but on institutional restraint. It will be important if we expect to reintegrate with the global community.”

The camera faded away from the roundtable before panning back to Asena. “Thank you all for these valuable insights. As Türkiye prepares for coalition talks and the formal opening of the new Grand National Assembly, the country stands before a delicate but promising chapter, one shaped by both memory and hope.

We will continue our in-depth coverage throughout the week. Stay with TRT for expert analysis, regional breakdowns, and exclusive interviews with party leaders and lawmakers.

Good night, and thank you for watching.”

​

“Welcome back to TRT’s special election roundtable. As we continue our analysis tonight, a central question now takes shape: Who will form the next government? With no party commanding a full majority in the Grand National Assembly, the road ahead will require delicate negotiations and considerable political maturity.

Let’s review the numbers once more: the CHP holds 288 seats, the Refah Party has 192, and the remaining 120 seats are distributed among smaller parties, most notably the HDP/YSP with 41, İYİ with 19, MHP with 27, SDP with 17, Zafer with 5, the Greens with 7, and DEVA with 4. A governing majority requires at least 301 seats. With that in mind, I turn again to Professor Melike Ersoy. Professor, what are the viable paths to government formation?”

“The most plausible scenario, Asena, is a center-left coalition anchored by the CHP. While the party does not have the numbers to govern alone, it can potentially build a majority by aligning with ideologically proximate parties: the Social Democratic Party (17 seats), the Greens (7), the Good Party (19), and DEVA (4). That brings the tally to 335 seats, comfortably above the threshold.
However, this coalition would be broad and ideologically diverse. While they share commitments to democratic norms and civilian governance, tensions may arise on economic policy, Kurdish rights, or environmental regulation. The CHP will need to exercise disciplined leadership, likely offering concessions to each partner in exchange for cohesion.”

“If I may Asena.” Selin said, interjecting, “While I agree that a center-left coalition is the most plausible path forward, we must consider some significant internal challenges that could hinder such an alliance. The Social Democratic Party (SDP), for example, is a patchwork of former Turkish Workers' Party officials, many of whom governed under authoritarian conditions during the earlier decades. This history is problematic for many within the broader opposition, especially those who prioritize democratic reform and parliamentary supremacy. The CHP's right wing, along with hardliners within the party, would likely reject any coalition with the HDP due to concerns over the Kurdish issue. This poses a real obstacle for the CHP in reaching out to HDP, which has significant Kurdish support.

This leaves us with a much narrower pool of potential partners: the Greens, DEVA, and İYİ. However, even these parties present their own challenges. For one, DEVA's strong pro-business stance and focus on market-driven reforms may be difficult to reconcile with Ayşe Çiller's social democratic platform. There’s also a clash of priorities on key issues such as taxation, welfare, and economic redistribution. İYİ, while more ideologically flexible, would demand significant compromises in exchange for supporting the CHP. In short, while these parties are more likely to align, the balance of power and policy demands could lead to significant friction within the coalition. So, while the numbers might add up, governing this broad coalition will not be easy.”

Asena looked at Furak “Mr. Karahan, could the Refah Party attempt a rival coalition?”

“In mathematical terms possibly. But politically, it’s much less viable. Refah could seek an alliance with the MHP (27 seats), Zafer (5), and possibly some dissident members of İYİ. But even with those numbers, they’d only approach the 220–230 seat range, still far from a majority. More importantly, such a coalition would be viewed with considerable suspicion, especially in the current climate where the public clearly favored a return to parliamentary democracy.

I suspect the Refah leadership understands this and will instead position itself as a future leader of a nationalist-conservative opposition, capable of influencing legislation from outside the executive.”


How will this shape the next government’s ability to govern? Can a coalition like the one Professor Ersoy described deliver on reform and stability?”

Selin nodded her head. “It will be difficult, but not impossible. The strength of the CHP-led bloc lies in its moderation and broad appeal. However, its weakness is ideological inconsistency. As I was saying earlier, it was clear for some of the smaller parties their best bet layed with being king maker. The Greens may push aggressive environmental measures that clash with DEVA’s pro-business agenda. The SDP will likely demand stronger labor protections, while İYİ remains wary of alienating centrist voters.
But if Ayşe Çiller can manage these competing interests and her record suggests she is adept at doing so this government could usher in a phase of incremental but meaningful reform, particularly in restoring institutional credibility, judicial independence, and media freedom. Expect changes to the structure of ministerial oversight, perhaps even revisions to the security services’ internal hierarchy. However, if she takes on too many partners and her ability to govern is slowed down, then we will likely face political instability. Çiller will have to appease not only her broad party but an even broader coalition government.”

Asena then turned to Tunç “Ambassador Tunç, what does this all mean for political stability, both domestically and from an international vantage point?”


“Domestically, the coalition model means that radical shifts are unlikely, which is reassuring. There may be slower progress, but also more inclusive decision-making. Stability does not always mean speed it means predictability, transparency, and the rule of law.

Internationally, the formation of a broad-based civilian government, especially one that includes technocratic elements from DEVA or pro-European Greens, will be seen as a return to business that suits many of Türkiye’s former partners. Türkiye’s former allies and trade partners in Europe and the transatlantic community will likely re-engage diplomatically and economically. However, Türkiye must avoid the perception of paralysis. The success of this coalition will be measured not just by surviving, but by delivering on critical reforms.”

Asena turned to the camera which panned back to her. “In summary, while no single party has secured the mandate to govern alone, the numbers and political momentum suggest a CHP-led coalition is the most viable path forward. The coming weeks will test the nation’s political class its ability to compromise, to govern responsibly, and to preserve the spirit of democratic renewal that this election appears to have rekindled.

Thank you to all our guests for their valuable insights. TRT will continue to provide full coverage as coalition talks advance and the Grand National Assembly prepares to reconvene. Good night from Ankara.”