The Life of Thaksin and the Shinawatra

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[Bossza007]

House of Moonlight, Bangkok
December 4, 2004​

Thaksin’s Apartment in Dusit District, one of state-owned and community-managed socialist housing unit in Thailand.
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Secret and secure unless contextually possible. | NSST 1.0 Architecture​

05:30 ICT (GMT +7)
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The first rays of sunshine peeked through the curtains of Thaksin Shinawatra’s modest apartment in central Bangkok. As Prime Minister of the Socialist Republic of Thailand, Thaksin’s day began early. He rose, not to the sound of an alarm, but to the habit ingrained from years of leadership and revolutionary struggle. When his eyes opened, he took in the familiar sight of his bedroom. The wall, once bare, now held framed photographs—snapshots of key moments in Thailand’s journey to socialism. A portrait of people celebrating the revolution seven years ago hung prominently, a daily reminder of the struggles and triumphs that led to this moment.

He sat up, his feet touching the cool, locally sourced bamboo flooring. The bed, a standard piece found in every apartment in this worker-managed complex, creaked slightly under his movement. It was a sound echoed in thousands of homes across Bangkok, a small but poignant reminder of the egalitarian principles now woven into Thai society. Thaksin moved to the window and drew the curtains. The vista that greeted him was a transformed Bangkok. The skyline, once dominated by gleaming skyscrapers as monuments to capitalism, now presented a more uniform appearance. Many of those towers had been repurposed into community centers, worker cooperatives, and public housing. The streets below were already coming to life, with early risers heading to their collectively managed workplaces.

As he began his morning routine, Thaksin reflected on the monumental change that had just occurred: the complete collectivization of private property and the means of production in Thailand—a dream long in the making, now a reality. He felt the weight of this achievement and the responsibility it brought. In the small bathroom, Thaksin went through his ablutions. The toiletries were simple, locally produced items—a far cry from the luxury brands that once filled Bangkok’s high-end stores. As he shaved, he studied his reflection in the mirror. The face looking back at him was older, lined with the cares of leadership, but his eyes still sparkled with the same determination that fueled the revolution.

06:00 ICT (GMT +7)​

Dressed in a simple tracksuit, Thaksin exited his apartment. He nodded a greeting to his neighbors—a schoolteacher and a factory worker—as they headed toward the elevator. They exchanged friendly chat about the weather and the day ahead. Despite his position, no one treated Thaksin differently; here, he was just another member of the community.

The community gym on the ground floor was already bustling with activity. The scent of sweat and the rhythmic sounds of exercise machines filled the air. Thaksin took his place on a treadmill next to a young woman he recognized as a local administrator. They exchanged smiles as they began their runs. As his feet pounded the treadmill, Thaksin’s mind raced even faster. He contemplated the challenges ahead. This collectivized process, while largely peaceful, had been incredibly complex. Today would be crucial in setting the new tone in Thai history.

He thought about the factories now run by worker cooperatives, the farms operating under collective ownership, and the banks transformed into public financial institutions. Each sector presented its own unique challenges. How would productivity be maintained? How would innovation be fostered in this new system? His thoughts were interrupted by a friendly voice. The young administrator next to him had asked a question about the new childcare facilities being set up in every village. Thaksin engaged in the conversation, valuing these direct interactions with citizens. These moments, he reflected, kept him grounded and in touch with the people's needs and concerns.

07:30 ICT (GMT +7)​

Back in his apartment, slightly out of breath but invigorated from the exercise, Thaksin headed to the kitchen. He opened the fridge, stocked with produce from the community’s urban farm. He selected some fresh eggs, locally grown vegetables, and a loaf of bread baked in the complex’s communal kitchen. As he prepared his simple breakfast, the aroma of brewing coffee filled the small kitchen. It was a luxury he allowed himself—coffee being one of the few imported items still widely available. The beans came from a worker-owned cooperative in Vietnam, a testament to Thailand’s commitment to fostering similar economic models in the region.

Sitting at the small dining table, Thaksin turned on the television mounted on the wall. The state-run news channel flickered to life, the familiar jingle heralding the morning briefing. The news anchor, dressed in simple but professional attire, began the broadcast. The top stories painted a picture of a nation in transition. Reports streamed in from across Thailand on the initial implementation of full collectivization. Footage showed worker councils taking control of factories, community assemblies managing local resources, and citizens engaging in democratic decision-making processes at all levels. The camera then cut to impressive aerial shots of a Thai Navy carrier strike group patrolling the waters of the South China Sea. The reporter emphasized Thailand’s continued commitment to regional security and its role as a stabilizing force in Asia.

Economic reports rounded out the briefing. Early indicators showed a complex picture: some sectors were adapting quickly to the new collective model, while others experienced initial disruptions. However, the overall tone was optimistic, with experts predicting long-term benefits from the collectivization. As the news concluded, Thaksin finished his breakfast, his mind already racing with the day’s agenda. He noted with satisfaction that the transition seemed to be proceeding smoothly overall, but he was acutely aware of the challenges ahead. With a deep breath, he stood, ready to face another historic day in the life of the world’s most ambitious experiment in democratic socialism.

09:00 ICT (GMT +7)​

The sleek, electric government car glided to a stop in front of the Government Complex in the Dusit District. As Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra stepped out, he was greeted by the familiar sight of the massive structure, its architecture a blend of traditional Thai and Western design. Once a symbol of bureaucratic power, the building had undergone a transformation as dramatic as the nation it served. Thaksin took a moment to observe the bustling plaza in front of the complex. Citizens from all walks of life streamed in and out—factory workers in their uniforms, farmers in traditional dress, and office workers in simple, functional attire. The diversity of the crowd was a testament to the new, more inclusive nature of government in Thailand.

As he walked toward the entrance, Thaksin noticed a group of young people excitedly discussing something near a large digital display. Curiosity piqued, he approached them. The screen showed real-time data on various economic indicators, all accessible to the public. This transparency, he reflected, was a cornerstone of their new society. Inside, the atrium buzzed with activity. Where security checkpoints once stood, there were now information kiosks staffed by helpful attendants. The walls, once adorned with portraits of past leaders, now displayed vibrant murals depicting scenes from Thai history and visions of a socialist future.

Thaksin made his way to the elevator, exchanging greetings with those he passed. A group of workers' council representatives stepped out as he entered, nodding respectfully but without the excessive deference of the past. In the elevator, Thaksin found himself standing next to a janitor who greeted him with a friendly, “Good morning, Comrade Prime Minister.” They chatted briefly about the day ahead, their interaction reflecting the new egalitarian social dynamics.

As he walked through the corridors of the executive floor, Thaksin was struck by the transformation. Offices that once housed high-ranking bureaucrats now accommodated workers' council and community representatives alongside government officials. The atmosphere was one of industrious collaboration rather than hierarchical authority.

Department heads greeted him with comradely nods, many offering brief updates as he passed. “The transition in the manufacturing sector is proceeding smoothly, Comrade Prime Minister,” said one. “We’ve had some challenges in agricultural cooperatives, but we’re working through them,” reported another before Thaksin entered his modest office. Each interaction reinforced the sense of collective purpose that now permeated the government.

09:30 ICT (GMT +7)​

Thaksin entered the cabinet room, now redesigned to foster open discussion. The imposing rectangular table was replaced with a circular arrangement, putting all participants on equal footing. Screens lining the walls displayed real-time data from various sectors. As the ministers settled into their seats, anticipation filled the room. This was the first full cabinet meeting since the implementation of complete collectivization, a momentous occasion for all present. Thaksin opened the meeting with a brief statement, reminding everyone of the historic nature of their task. “Comrades,” he began, “what we’ve accomplished is unprecedented. Now comes the real work of building the society we’ve long envisioned.”

The Minister of Finance, Korn Chatikavanij, a renowned economist and former labor organizer, was the first to report. He displayed a series of charts on the main screen. “The initial economic impact of collectivization has been mixed,” he explained. “We’re seeing increased productivity in sectors where worker cooperatives were already strong, like manufacturing and tech. However, there’s been some disruption in areas like finance and large-scale agriculture.” A frank discussion ensued, with ministers openly debating the best approaches to address these challenges. The atmosphere was one of collaborative problem-solving rather than top-down decision-making.

Next, the Minister of Labor, Somkid Jatusripitak, a former factory worker with an economics background, provided updates on the transition of private businesses to worker cooperatives. “We’ve had some resistance from former owners, especially in medium-sized enterprises,” he reported. “But overall, other than these capitalists being dealt with by the Labor Right Enforcement Agency, workers are embracing their new roles in management enthusiastically.”

The briefing from the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Thaksin’s right-hand man, Surakiart Sathirathai, drew particular attention. “The international reaction has been polarized yet lukewarm,” he explained. “Our allies have not released any statements, which is a positive sign of acceptance given the new norms in international relations. However, we are witnessing a high level of caution from the United States and the United Kingdom as we work toward normalizing relationships. There’s concern about economic stability and the impact on global markets.” This led to a spirited debate on how to balance Thailand’s revolutionary changes with its need to survive in an increasingly globalized world. Thaksin listened intently, occasionally steering the conversation but largely allowing his ministers to explore the complexities of the issues.

The final point of discussion centered on maintaining Thailand’s technological edge. The Minister of Science, a renowned quantum physicist and electrical engineer, outlined strategies for fostering innovation within the new economic model. "We need to ensure that our collective approach doesn't stifle the creativity that's crucial for technological advancement," she emphasized. As the meeting concluded, Thaksin felt a mix of pride and apprehension. The challenges ahead were immense, but the collective wisdom and commitment in the room gave him confidence.

12:00 ICT (GMT +7)​

The sun is high in the sky as Thaksin arrived at the Democracy Monument. The historic site, with its representation of the constitution guarded by four wings, seemed even more poignant today. A sea of people stretched out before him, their faces a mix of excitement, hope, and curiosity. As Thaksin took his place at the podium, a hush fell over the crowd. He took a moment to look out at the gathered citizens - workers, students, elderly pensioners, young families - all eyes fixed on him, waiting to hear about the future of their nation.

"My fellow Thais," Thaksin began, his voice carried across the plaza by a state-of-the-art sound system, "today, we stand at the threshold of a new era. The collectivization we have achieved is not just an economic transformation, but the fulfillment of the promise we made to ourselves seven years ago when we overthrew the old order." He went on to emphasize the importance of grassroots participation in the new economic system. "This is not a top-down revolution," he declared. "The success of our new society depends on each and every one of you taking an active role in managing your workplaces, your communities, your future."

Thaksin then addressed Thailand's international standing. "To our friends and partners around the world, I say this: Thailand remains committed to its international obligations. We will continue to be a force for stability and progress in Asia and beyond. Our path may be different, but our goals of peace, prosperity, and human dignity are universal." As he spoke about the need for patience and solidarity, Thaksin could see the impact of his words on the crowd. Many nodded in agreement, some cheer, while others listen with thoughtful expressions.

"The road ahead will not be easy," he concluded. "There will be challenges, setbacks, and moments of doubt. But if we stand together, if we hold true to our principles of equality, democracy, and collective prosperity, there is no obstacle we cannot overcome." He took a brief yet poignant pause before declaring: “Morning has come, my comrades, and victory is now as closest as it could be to our hands.”

The speech was met with thunderous applause and chants of solidarity. As Thaksin looked out over the crowd, he sees faces beaming with hope and determination. But he also noticed pockets of uncertainty, reminding him of the monumental task that lied ahead. As he stepped away from the podium, surrounded by the cheers of the crowd, Thaksin feels the weight of history on his shoulders. The true test of Thailand's bold experiment is just beginning.​

 

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February 3, 2005
Republic of Thailand, Vanguard of Communism
10:00 ICT (GMT +7)
National Address​

Thaksin Shinawatra, the Prime Minister of Thailand, the First Secretary General of the People’s Front, and the Architect of the Thai Socialism​

”My fellow citizens, esteemed workers, and cherished comrades,

Today, as we stand at the dawn of a new era, I address you with a heart full of hope and a mind brimming with vision for our great nation. We have embarked on a journey unprecedented in human history, a path that leads us towards the realization of humanity's most noble aspirations. With the implementation of our Labor Token Exchange system, we have taken the first decisive step into the initial stage of communism. This monumental achievement is not merely an economic shift; it is the culmination of our collective dreams, the fruit of our shared labor, and the foundation of a future we will build together. The LTE system represents more than a novel approach to resource allocation—it is the embodiment of our values, a testament to our commitment to equality, sustainability, and human dignity. To our 53 million workers, the backbone of our society, I say this: Your labor is no longer a commodity to be bought and sold, but a direct contribution to the welfare of our society. Each token you earn represents not just your time, but your creativity, your dedication, and your role in our collective progress. You are no longer mere employees, but co-owners and decision-makers in our economy. The worker councils and consumer assemblies we have established are not just administrative bodies—they are the organs of a new, participatory democracy. Through these institutions, we are redefining the very nature of governance. No longer will decisions that affect your lives be made in distant boardrooms by unaccountable elites. Instead, you will shape our economic destiny through direct, democratic participation.

To our youth, I say: You are the first generation in history to grow up in a society that has begun the transition to communism. The opportunities before you are boundless. With the guarantee of universal basic services and the progressive reduction of necessary labor time, you have the freedom to pursue your passions, to innovate, to create, and to contribute to society in ways previous generations could only dream of. Our commitment to technological advancement is unwavering. The AI-assisted planning systems we have implemented are not cold, unfeeling machines, but tools to enhance our collective decision-making. They will help us navigate the complexities of a modern economy while ensuring that human needs and values remain at the forefront of our planning. To those who worry about the challenges ahead, I say: Your concerns are valid, and we face them together. The path we have chosen is not an easy one, but it is the right one. We must remain vigilant against bureaucratization, ever adaptive in our policies, and always open to constructive criticism and reform. Our strength lies in our unity, our diversity, and our shared commitment to the principles of socialism.

As we move forward, we must remember that the LTE system is not an end in itself, but a means to create a more just, sustainable, and fulfilling society. It is a stepping stone towards a future where work becomes not a burden, but a form of self-expression; where our relationship with nature is not one of exploitation, but of harmony; where technology serves humanity, not the other way around. The road ahead is long, and we are only at the beginning. But already, we can see the contours of a new world emerging. A world where poverty and exploitation are relegated to history books. A world where each individual can develop their full potential. A world where the free development of each is the condition for the free development of all. Comrades, we stand at a pivotal moment in history. The eyes of the world are upon us, and the weight of our responsibility is great. But I have no doubt that together, we will rise to this challenge. We will show the world that another way is possible—a way based on cooperation, not competition; on solidarity, not selfishness; on the fulfillment of human needs, not the accumulation of profit. Let us move forward with courage, with compassion, and with the unshakeable conviction that we are building a better world not just for ourselves, but for generations to come.”

With a long pause, Thaksin continued with a resolute face and resolute tone. “Comrades, fellow citizens, and the international community,

As we embark on this unparalleled journey towards a society free from exploitation, I now turn to the international stage. Today, we declare, with resolute clarity, that communism has not fallen. It has adapted, evolved, and stands stronger than ever before. While many believed the collapse of the Soviet Union marked the end of an era, they were gravely mistaken. The victory proclaimed by the capitalist world was an illusion, a fleeting triumph in a battle that was never fully won. For the true battle of ideas, of systems, has only just begun anew. To the global audience that watches us, to those who have seen the collapse of socialism in Europe and mistakenly believed the United States had emerged victorious in the Cold War, I say this: The war of ideologies was never truly won by capitalism. What has taken root here in Thailand, the new vanguard of communism, is living proof that the socialist vision endures and grows. We have entered the first stage of communism, the realization of the historic dialectic, and humanity is closer than ever to achieving true freedom—freedom from exploitation, from inequality, and from the shackles of a profit-driven system that places greed above human dignity. Look closely at the contradictions within capitalism today: inequality, environmental devastation, wage slavery, and the deep alienation of human beings from the fruits of their labor. These are not signs of victory but the symptoms of a system in decay. It is communism that has outmaneuvered its adversaries, laying the groundwork for a world that recognizes the inherent contradictions of capitalism. We, in Thailand, have deceived the capitalist world into believing in their success, while we have quietly built a system that will outlast, outperform, and ultimately overcome it. And so, we declare today: The future belongs not to capitalism but to socialism, and communism is more alive than ever.

To the United States of America, I speak directly to your newly elected president and the political establishment. You have placed great faith in your military strength and your economic might. But do not be deceived by these outward signs of power. The tides of history cannot be held back by aircraft carriers or stock markets. Your belief that capitalism has triumphed over communism will soon unravel. For while you invest in weapons of destruction, we, the people of Thailand, and our socialist allies, invest in the future of humanity. We are not competing with you on your terms, for we have outgrown the narrow confines of capitalist thinking. Instead, we have built a system where cooperation triumphs over competition, where solidarity defeats selfishness, and where human needs are prioritized over profit. Let it be known that our revolution is far from over. The Labor Token Exchange system, which we have just inaugurated, represents the most profound challenge to the capitalist world since the birth of the socialist movement. It is the first real manifestation of a world where the fruits of labor belong to those who produce them, not to a parasitic elite. The United States, with its new president, may choose to confront us, to escalate tensions, but I urge you to reconsider. You see, the world no longer revolves around your military might or economic dominance. It is the power of ideas—ideas of freedom, equality, and social justice—that will shape the future. And on this front, you cannot defeat us. For we, the people of Thailand and the growing ranks of the Socialist Internationalism, stand on the right side of history. We extend our hand to the peoples of the world who yearn for liberation from the tyranny of capitalist exploitation. We call upon the oppressed, the marginalized, and the disenfranchised, in every corner of the globe: Look to Thailand, the bastion of socialism in this new millennium. Look to us not only as an example but as an ally in your struggles. We will not turn our backs on those who wish to break free from the chains of capitalist domination. The Socialist International, the union we are building with our comrades in Southeast Asia and beyond, is the dawn of a new international order—an order based on mutual respect, cooperation, and the true emancipation of the working class.

To our allies in France, Sweden, and New Zealand, we honor your commitment to stand with us, despite the different paths our countries have taken. Your partnership is a testament to the fact that even those who may not yet share our economic system recognize the moral and practical necessity of our cause. To Poland, which teeters between friendship and rivalry, know this: While we understand your ambitions to ascend to the ranks of the great nation-state, remember that the path to true greatness lies not in mimicking the power structures of the past, but in embracing the future, a future where socialism, not nationalism or imperialism, will lead the way. To the United Kingdom, our relationship has always been one of careful balance, but we are witnessing the beginning of a new chapter between our nations. As you reassess your place in the world, know that we are prepared to work with you—not as competitors, but as partners in shaping a more equitable global future. Together, we can move beyond the old imperialist frameworks and toward a model of international cooperation rooted in shared prosperity and mutual respect. Finally, to the global capitalist powers, I issue this declaration: The ideological war is not over. You have not won, and you never will. For communism is the inevitable outcome of human development, the natural progression of society towards greater freedom, equality, and abundance. While capitalism sinks under the weight of its own contradictions, we stand ready to usher in a new era. We will not rest, we will not falter, and we will not be deterred. The revolution we are building here in Thailand is only the beginning. It will spread, and as it does, the world will see that the power of the people is far stronger than the power of profit.

The world stands at a precipice, and we, the Socialist Republic of Thailand, stand ready to lead humanity forward. The future is not yet written, but together, we will write it with the ink of solidarity, the brush of justice, and the colors of freedom.

Forward, comrades, to victory! The path to communism is clear, and nothing shall stand in our way.​

 

[Bossza007]

Part of the Anarchist Intervention storyline​

Secret and secure unless contextually possible. | NSST 1.0 Architecture​

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Tuesday February 8, 2005
Government House, Bangkok
06:45 ICT (GMT +7)​

The sound of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra echoed in the bustling Thai Government Complex as he stepped out of the official electric car. “Thank you, John, for driving me so early today. I appreciate it. Morning will come,” he said, closing the door behind him. As the car pulled away, he heard John respond, “Victory is close.” Thaksin was quickly greeted by several officials, including Chuan Leekpai, the Secretary of the Government. Everyone seemed to be in early today, despite the policy promoting reduced work hours. “What exactly happened, Mr. Chuan?” Thaksin asked, his voice laced with urgency. He scanned the crowd of journalists trailing behind them. “This can’t be good, not with this much media attention,” he muttered under his breath as they made their way to the briefing room.

Inside the Government House, the cabinet—nearly thirty people—along with representatives from worker councils, community assemblies, and planning boards filled the room. Thaksin noticed an unusually high number of attendees from the Southern region. “Let’s begin,” he urged, settling into a chair at the large round table. A man in a formal suit raised his hand and spoke, his voice crisp and direct. “Thank you all for coming. I must express my deepest regret that we have to meet here sooner than planned. I just arrived from the train station thirty minutes ago after traveling from Surat Thani last night.” As the man spoke, Thaksin felt a shift in the room’s atmosphere. He sensed the tension but remained puzzled; despite being the elected representative of the entire population, he was the only one who didn’t yet understand what had transpired.

“Just twenty minutes ago, there was an explosion at the government building—specifically under the Ministry of Interior—in Tha Yang, a subdistrict of Thung Yai in Nakhon Si Thammarat province. This attack targets state property that serves our local public servants, but Tha Yang is particularly symbolic for our nation. Since we relocated the former monarch of the Rattanakosin Empire to the local retirement complex two years ago, this area has become a melting pot for the Southern region,” the man said, his tone resolute. Thaksin recognized him as the newly elected president of the Southern Worker Council Union. “Southern Thailand has long been linked to counter-revolutionary movements since our republic was established in 1998. However, we’re entering uncharted territory. As you all know, recent data from the National Assembly indicates that 425 community assemblies now support state abolition—a jump of 47 assemblies since yesterday. This marks the seventh consecutive day of rising support,” he concluded, concern evident in his voice. Thaksin absorbed the gravity of the situation. He understood the implications: this was more than just an isolated incident; it could spark widespread unrest. He leaned forward, ready to address the gathering with the empathy and strategic foresight that defined his leadership.

“This is genuinely concerning. It seems we’re facing a growing state abolitionist movement that we can’t ignore,” Thaksin said, his brow furrowed. “This must be connected to the anarcho-socialist movements targeting the southern provinces. From my last reading, most supportive assemblies are from that region. I need to check with my aides about any recent executive powers granted to me; the President of the National Assembly mentioned this is under legislative purview.” He paused, then turned to the newly elected president of the Southern Worker Council Union. “Mr. Possathorn, if I recall correctly, you just took on this role. You have the authority to intervene in this matter, and I know you want to address the state abolitionist movement, which is why you traveled to Bangkok. Please, enlighten us about your goals and plans.”

Possathorn nodded appreciatively before responding. “Thank you, Mr. Prime Minister. It’s my duty to protect the workers of the Southern province from exploitation and harm. However, the collective leadership of the anarcho-socialist movements is using sophisticated, legal campaign tactics. The recent attack, as reported by the community police, appears to be incited by radical elements within that movement. This is the first incident of its kind, and we’re concerned about potential escalation. Our representatives concluded last night that the majority of Southern people see this as a threat to our socialist order. The anarcho-socialists aim to abolish the state, citing the first article of our constitution that states the state must wither away. While many support us for stability, they’re wary of another revolution. We urgently need ideological guidance to counter the narrative put forth by the anarcho-socialists. I must admit, this isn’t my area of expertise; I’ve always been more of an administrator.”

Thaksin nodded with quiet confidence as the attention shifted toward him. Though no longer the General Secretary of the People’s Front after Thanathorn’s victory in a sweeping internal election, he still held the office of Prime Minister. With 84 percent of the electorate behind him in the 2003 General Election, his legitimacy remained unparalleled. Among the representatives present, few could claim the level of popular mandate he commanded. His aide discreetly handed him a note, a reminder of the core principles underpinning the Thai state. He realized, with a touch of irony, that his tablet was still upstairs in his office—an unusual oversight. But the note wasn’t strictly necessary. As the Architect of Thai Socialism, these tenets were already ingrained in him. He had crafted them, after all, with the same meticulous care he applied to everything: a vision not just for today, but for the generations to come. He scanned the room, aware of the weight his words would carry.

“This is a deeply complex issue, Mr. Possathorn. When the monarchy was dissolved and the Rattanakosin Empire fell, our nation endured six months of chaos. It was a dark period, and we must credit the Government Secretary for managing, against all odds, to unite a broad range of ideologies into a functioning democratic republic. Now, the anarcho-socialists are romanticizing that anarchy, much like post-revolutionary movements during the Paris Commune or the October Revolution. They refuse to acknowledge any centralized authority, even when it's designed to dismantle the class systems they despise. They argue that the state is inherently oppressive, but they overlook that in its socialist form, the state is a necessary tool—one wielded by the proletariat to bring about true communism.” Thaksin paused, his tone calm but firm. “They want to abolish the state immediately, without understanding the material conditions needed to achieve communism.

Yes, Thailand has met many of those conditions, especially with the Labor Token Exchange system in place. But the world still clings to capitalist structures—private ownership of the means of production, market economies, and class hierarchies. What we need to do is remind them—calmly, peacefully—that while their push for progress is commendable, attempting such radical change now is misguided. It risks destabilizing the socialist foundation of our country and exposing us to foreign exploitation.” He continued, his voice unwavering. “We are already dealing with growing external threats, particularly from capitalist powers. The recent election of an anti-socialist leader in the United States is a clear sign of the global bourgeoisie's intent to keep exploiting workers everywhere. This is why the state, despite its flaws, cannot wither away yet. The international landscape is too volatile. Our alliances protect us from exploitation, and dismantling the state now would leave us vulnerable.”

Possathorn nodded thoughtfully, his gaze steady on Thaksin. Though not deeply immersed in socialist theory, his role often involved turning ideological visions into practical, sustainable policies. “I’ve heard similar arguments before, though I only grasp the basics,” he admitted. “But it sounds like you’re suggesting we focus on education and ideological clarity. With all six presidents of the regional worker councils here, we’re in a position to bring this proposal to the Federation of Worker Council Unions. There are thirty elected members on the board, and all six of us are part of that.” He paused, considering the weight of the moment. “If the other presidents are aligned with me—and I believe this issue is crucial for sustaining our socialist values—I’d like to see us present a united front. Together, we could convince the board and other representatives to support this direction. But we need specifics. Mr. Prime Minister, do you have a concrete plan? I know you led the education reforms a few years back.” Possathorn, along with the other five presidents, turned to Thaksin, waiting for his proposal.

Thaksin closed his eyes briefly, collecting his thoughts. “Since we’re not in a position to propose changes through the National Assembly Education Committee just yet, I believe we should collaborate with the worker councils to implement a nationwide educational initiative within workplaces,” he began, turning to Foreign Minister Surakiart Sathirathai and borrowing his tablet to jot down notes. “This wouldn’t be indoctrination—it's education within an established socialist system. Every cooperative and worker council should launch internal programs to explain the state's role in socialist theory, particularly how the state serves as a tool for achieving communism, not as an end in itself. We could organize workshops and seminars for community leaders and worker council members to deepen their understanding of Marxist and socialist principles, especially the democratic path to communism.”

He paused to review his notes, sensing the room’s interest before continuing. “I’d also like to see the launch of solidarity campaigns that emphasize Thailand’s role in the global socialist movement and the need for a united front against capitalist exploitation. Given our alternative economic model, should we educate the public directly about how the global capitalist system works and the ways it could exploit a stateless society? This would reinforce the importance of maintaining a strong socialist state as a protective measure.” Several people nodded in agreement, though some showed concern about potential backlash, fearing that foreign powers might misrepresent it as indoctrination. Thaksin smiled lightly. “I’m sure the Foreign Minister has thoughts on this. After all, he campaigned on some major reforms when he went up against Thanathorn in the People’s Front election.” He chuckled, hoping to ease the tension in the room.

Surakiart returned Thaksin’s smile before refocusing on the discussion. “Yes, I did campaign on key issues that need addressing. Now, with Thanathorn serving as General Secretary, my role has shifted more toward diplomacy, though I remain deeply engaged,” he said, exchanging a nod with Thanathorn. “One of our steps should be to produce and circulate a comprehensive historical account of the period of anarchy after the fall of the Rattanakosin Empire, highlighting both the positive and negative aspects. The Office of the Prime Minister can utilize its printing cooperative for this effort. Since several worker councils are connected to research institutions, we could encourage academic and public studies of other historical attempts at rapid state abolition or decentralization to analyze their outcomes. Given the anarchy period was just seven years ago, we have access to many personal accounts that could provide a human perspective on the challenges of a stateless society.”

He paused to take a sip of his tea before continuing. “As a diplomat, I must emphasize the importance of open dialogue and the selective incorporation of anarcho-socialist ideas. This could help prevent further radicalization and address legitimate concerns. We should consider organizing forums where anarcho-socialist leaders can engage in discussions with government officials and other socialist factions. Although the recent bombing makes this approach less appealing, it might have been an isolated incident. We also need to critically assess if we’re reacting too slowly to claims of bureaucratization. If some anarcho-socialist proposals are viable and gradual, incorporating them into policy could show that we are responsive to grassroots ideas, which is a core principle of our participatory democracy.”

Surakiart leaned back slightly, scanning the room. “We also need to establish formal mechanisms for resolving ideological conflicts within the socialist movement, and I understand that anarcho-socialist leadership operates on collective principles. We should reach out to their leaders to open a line of communication. Additionally, many young people may be drawn to anarcho-socialist ideas. We should create targeted programs to engage with them, channeling their energy into constructive projects within the existing system.”

As Surakiart finished, the room fell into a brief silence before the attendees began sharing their thoughts. Thanathorn, also serving as Industry Minister, expressed caution, concerned that the state could unintentionally cast the anarcho-socialists in an entirely negative light. The conversation soon shifted to the delicate balance between implementing premature policies and respecting the genuine, well-intentioned proposals from the anarcho-socialist movement. It was clear that a long day awaited the officials, many of whom had hoped for more leisure time following the recent reduction in working hours. Thaksin, like the others, had only managed six hours of sleep, having stayed up until nearly midnight watching a film in the public housing complex’s shared home theater with his family. Yet, before anyone could fully process the implications of the discussions, Thailand was already moving into the next phase of its post-revolutionary ideological struggles—a stage that had proven difficult for many socialist states to navigate on the path toward communism.​