The Nation

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The Nation is an independent English-language daily newspaper, available in both print and online formats. It was founded in 1971 by Suthichai Yoon, who remained its owner until voluntarily relinquishing all shares to facilitate the organization's transition to a worker cooperative model. Following this transition, Yoon took on a new role at Thai PBS, leaving The Nation under collective management by its workforce. Since its inception, The Nation has been a prominent newspaper of record in Thailand, distinguished by its progressive, humanistic, anti-establishment, and center-left editorial stance. After the establishment of the Socialist Republic of Thailand in 1998, the newspaper retained its core principles while incorporating a more anti-capitalist rhetoric to reflect the rise of socialism in Thailand's post-revolution culture. As a cooperative, The Nation is collectively managed by its employees, who uphold the publication's ethical guidelines—standards that have become a benchmark for Thai journalism. Today, The Nation stands as a key competitor to Thai PBS, an independent state-run news agency that shares a similar editorial orientation. ​

 

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Governance
Comrade Suttawan to Coordinate People’s Data Center Network Project
September 28, 2005 — Bangkok
Karuna Buakamsri, Geopolitics and Domestic Politics Correspondent

Comrade Suttawan Suban Na Ayuthaya, Minister of Digital Economy and Society, has been appointed to lead the national coordination of the People’s Data Center Network (PDCN) initiative. With a budget of $2.485 billion, the project received swift approval from Comrade Prime Minister Thaksin, who signed the necessary documents within three days of the National Economic Planning Board's (NEPB) endorsement. While the Constitution permits up to two weeks for such procedural actions, the Prime Minister's prompt response underscores the urgency attributed to this initiative.

After a three-month period of public deliberation, the Thailand Advanced Computing and Innovation Cooperatives (TACIC) was selected as the primary development agency for the PDCN. This decision was supported by TACIC's workers’ council, which expressed confidence in delivering the project within the stipulated one-year contract, bolstered by the democratic mandate the initiative has garnered. Throughout the deliberation, the National Ethical Oversight Board (NEOB) actively engaged in addressing widespread public concerns regarding data privacy and individual rights. According to the National Assembly, the participatory process achieved an unprecedented level of civic engagement, collecting over 15.7 million distinct responses.

Construction of data centers has commenced in Kalasin, Chachoengsao, Phetchabun, Lamphun, and Krabi—provinces historically marginalized in Thailand’s development narrative. This effort aligns with the broader framework of economic decentralization, championed by the NEOB, which prioritizes equitable “development” over unsustainable “growth.” As clarified by an NEOB representative, the focus on development seeks to dismantle capitalist logics that prioritize profit extraction over the well-being of communities. By emphasizing the equitable distribution of resources and opportunities, this approach aims to ensure that the benefits of economic initiatives are felt across all regions, fostering long-term societal stability and fairness.

The PDCN, while relatively smaller in scale when compared to the expansive and profit-driven data centers of multinational corporations like Facebook, Alphabet, and Amazon, is set to host 22,500 servers. According to its specifications, the center will provide 5,760,000 GB of RAM and 2.25 Exabytes of storage. Designed to serve a population of 71 million people, including over 5 million migrant workers, the Ministry of Digital Economy and Society has outlined that the average individual will generate up to 10 GB of data over their expected 80-year lifespan. This infrastructure is positioned as a foundational component of Thailand’s Universal Basic Services (UBS), which the NEOB has described as surpassing the traditional frameworks of social democratic welfare states.

A key feature of PDCN is its commitment to exclusively utilizing renewable energy to power all data centers. The decision to adopt a single-story design was a deliberate outcome of the planning phase, enabling the installation of solar panels on the rooftops. While each data center is also linked to the national renewable energy grid, a fossil-fuel-powered backup generator is incorporated, highlighting the current limitations of renewable energy systems in the event of failure. Furthermore, the facilities are equipped with rainwater harvesting systems, an innovative design element intended to integrate natural rainfall into the cooling process.

The PDCN project is slated for completion, including its trial phase, by September 2006, marking a pivotal moment in the transformation of Thailand's storage infrastructure. As the national government continues to rely on cooperatives’ cloud storage systems to manage UBS data, the launch of this initiative signals a profound shift in the dynamics of cloud storage procurement. The PDCN represents a significant, though often overlooked, example of participatory governance, a model where power is not imposed from above, but emerges organically through the contributions of the people who form the foundation of the nation. With its origins in 250 public deliberation sessions, this project stands as a testament to the potential of truly democratic processes, where authority is decentralized, and the voice of the populace guides the direction of societal progress. It is a bold statement against the consolidation of power and influence in the hands of a few, reflecting a collective effort to resist the entrenched structures of capitalism and hierarchy.

The PDCN is not just a technological milestone; it is a testament to the transformative power of people-driven governance, showing that when communities are entrusted with shaping their own future, innovation and equity can flourish hand in hand.

This online newspaper article was produced by the Karuna Buakamsri, a correspondent specialized in geopolitics and domestic politics, bringing you in-depth analysis on the world's most pressing issues.​

 

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Culture
Stranded in a Stateless Limbo: New Caledonian Refugees Navigate Life in Socialist Thailand
November 5, 2005 — Bangkok
Sopon Onkgara, Senior Columnist

More than ten months have passed since the Republic Thai Navy Auxiliary Fleet undertook the historic evacuation of 30,000 New Caledonian residents, fleeing the ravages of war on their Pacific island—a territory still under French sovereignty. Today, these displaced individuals remain in Thailand with no clear path to return and no word from the Imperial French Government. Left in limbo, they’ve had no choice but to adjust to a culture radically different from their own. In an effort to shed light on their plight and hold the responsible parties to account, The Nation has connected with several New Caledonian refugees across Thailand.

Marie Blum, a 42-year-old single mother from Nouméa, has been living in Pattaya’s public housing district for the past eight months, juggling the challenges of raising two early-adolescent children. “I have no idea what’s going on in France anymore. I just want to go back and see my friends—and find out if my parents are even alive,” Blum shared in a candid interview at the modest high-rise building she now calls home. The apartment itself, though uncharacteristically stylish for Thailand’s typically functional and efficient public housing, bore traces of Blum’s French sensibilities in its décor—a bittersweet nod to the life she was forced to leave behind.

Blum has been working as a graphic designer for a worker cooperative in Pattaya, a significant departure from her former career as a kindergarten teacher. Her adjustment to daily life in Thailand has been as disorienting as it has been eye-opening. “Every morning, the TV reminds me I’m in a country where people don’t even use cash anymore,” she remarked. Initially skeptical of the system, she admitted she was now questioning her assumptions. “I thought I’d landed in some kind of left-wing utopia, but it’s... different. People here are obsessed with democracy—like, obsessed. It’s technically a good thing, but why do they enjoy debating in these Community Assemblies about which co-op should fix the sanitation in my building? And they actually love it!”

Despite her frustrations, Blum’s observations underscore a deeper contrast between the bureaucratic indifference of the western world and the grassroots engagement that has become a hallmark of Thai society. Yet, as weeks turn to months, the silence from France hangs heavy over the lives of Blum and thousands of other displaced New Caledonians, caught between longing for their past and navigating a precarious present.

Laurent Wamytan, a 21-year-old university student, has been studying sustainable agriculture at Tapee University in Surat Thani since arriving in Thailand with his parents and older sister. Like Blum, he was initially baffled by certain cultural peculiarities, particularly the Thai teens’ love for mock parliamentary roleplays. “I was visiting my new friend’s village when I saw a playground dedicated to kids and teens pretending to be lawmakers. My first thought was, why is everything so politicized?” he recounted with a mix of amusement and disbelief. Over time, Wamytan came to accept that this practice was simply part of a cultural fabric he hadn’t yet understood. In Thailand, civic education begins early, nurturing a fascination with political processes and preparing children for life in a participatory democracy.

Wamytan’s reflections on his studies revealed a mix of self-discovery and existential questioning. “I’m studying sustainable agriculture. Will it be useful back home? Probably not,” he admitted, his voice tinged with uncertainty. “But I have to admit, I didn’t realize I had a knack for planning sustainable systems until I was tested to identify my specializations.” While he finds the courses engaging, some aspects remain puzzling to him. “I get that treating the world kindly is morally good—right?—but why does everyone here act like sustainability thrives best under... what do they call it? Oh, socialism. I literally had to take a political science class just to understand what’s going on with Thailand’s political, economic, and cultural structures. For the locals, it seems second nature, probably because they’ve studied these things since middle school.”

These stories of adaptation and cultural bewilderment paint a complex picture of displacement in an increasingly interconnected world. While Thailand's social structures may seem alien to the New Caledonians—from labor tokens replacing traditional currency to teenagers enthusiastically participating in mock parliaments—their experiences highlight something more profound than mere cultural differences. They reveal how political systems shape not just governance but the very fabric of daily life.

As Blum and Wamytan continue their journey in this unfamiliar landscape, their narratives raise pressing questions about the responsibilities of nations toward displaced populations and the nature of citizenship in our modern world. With France's continued silence on their status and Thailand's unwavering commitment to providing shelter, these New Caledonians find themselves not just learning to navigate a new political and economic system, but inadvertently becoming participants in a grand experiment of cross-cultural adaptation.

Whether this experience will ultimately bridge the gap between different worldviews or merely highlight their incompatibility remains to be seen. For now, they remain caught between two worlds—one they can't return to and another they're still trying to understand.

This online newspaper article was produced by the Sopon Onkgara, a senior columnist, bringing you in-depth analysis on the world's most pressing issues.​

 

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Kom Chad Luek (Sharp, Clear, Deep)
Friday January 20, 2006 — Bangkok
Varavit Chimmanee, Program Host

The program opened with a flashy graphic – a rapid recap of events culminating in the Western social media phenomenon, "Twitter." Then, the screen went black, and stark white text flashed: ‘The Prime Minister's Account Suspended.’ The camera cut to the vibrant studio of Nation TV. "Welcome back to Kom Chad Luek," Varavit Chimmanee began, his voice laced with controlled urgency. "Tonight, we’re confronting a pressing incident. This evening, on Twitter – a platform used by Thai agencies to connect with the world – our Prime Minister, with his democratic mandate, found his account suspended after what the Department of Correct has deemed 'suboptimal jokes.' Tonight, I’ve brought the subject of this national debate to the table. Comrade Thaksin Shinawatra, welcome." Varavit gestured cordially as the scene shifted to the Prime Minister. The tension hung heavy in the studio air.

“Thank you for having me tonight, Comrade Varavit Chimmanee,” Thaksin replied with a measured smile. “We have much to discuss, don’t we? It’s been some time since television programs or online platforms have invited me. As my office fades into irrelevance—just as we designed with our ‘gradual hollowing out of state functions’—opportunities like this become rare. So, I take them with optimism.”

Varavit nodded, leaning forward with measured enthusiasm. “I’m glad to hear your optimism, Comrade Thaksin—after all, optimism is essential as we construct our future communist society. However, tonight has brought a rather stark revelation. Your social media routine has, it seems, led to a misstep. More than 52% of 1.5 million participants in a spontaneous online democratic deliberation voted in favor of your account’s suspension. The most cited reason, as determined by the Department of Correct, was the 'suboptimal quality' of your jokes. It appears our comrades hope for improvement by the time your account is reinstated. What do you make of this?"

“Well, I see this as an opportunity for growth—perhaps a forced intermission in my comedic career,” Thaksin quipped, his voice smooth, betraying no unease. “Our society thrives on artistic expression, and I take pride in its ability to accommodate even missteps like mine. My tweet, as you know, was meant to satirize the arbitrary nature of what is deemed ‘acceptable.’ Irony, after all, is the language of those who see the strings behind the curtain. But democracy has spoken, and as a devoted servant of the people, I shall use this imposed silence to refine my craft. We must always strive to amuse—appropriately, of course.”

Varavit leaned in, his gaze sharpening. “Comrade Thaksin, let’s address a pressing concern. An Indian Twitter user, with whom you recently exchanged words, has accused your post of casting Thailand in a damning light—comparing our nation’s reputation to a sinking ship and aligning it with the worst stereotypes. They argue that, as the face of Thailand, your words stain the people’s image just as certain religious groups are smeared by global prejudice. Your response now carries weight beyond a mere online dispute. How do you formally clarify your intent?”

“I neither confirm nor deny any particular intent, Comrade Varavit,” Thaksin replied smoothly, his tone as measured as ever. “Humor, especially the darker kind, is always subject to interpretation. It is natural for an account dedicated to Hinduism to see my words as a reflection of Thailand through the worst possible lens. But our nation’s ideological foundation is Thai Socialism—rooted in secularism, even anti-religion. This is less about my joke and more about the clash of worldviews.”

He paused, allowing the thought to settle before continuing with a wry smile. “That said, the people have spoken. Clearly, my humor fell short of expectations—an irony, given my regular appearances at the Bangkok Comedy Club. Many follow me for entertainment, not policy discourse. And while outsiders may see me as Thailand’s face, we both know that is untrue. The true face of Thailand is not one person but a mosaic—a collective expression of our people, fluid and indivisible.”

Varavit’s expression darkened, his voice slicing through the studio’s artificial calm. “Comrade Thaksin, your social media remarks have triggered an alarming escalation. Two extremist groups—The Students' Islamic Movement of India and the Indian Mujahideen—both officially designated as terrorist organizations by our state, have issued calls for violence against our nation. They cite your words as justification for their aggression. The Secularization and Religious Demystification Act of 2004 stands as our shield against the chains of fundamentalism, ensuring that no doctrine—foreign or domestic—dictates our people’s fate. Yet now, in the wake of your post, we face a crisis. Tell us, Comrade—will you claim responsibility for the storm you have stirred?"

Thaksin smiled, his voice unwavering. “No, Comrade Varavit, I do not accept responsibility. This is not an isolated dispute—it is a battle we have long prepared for. The people of Thailand, through overwhelming democratic mandate, have chosen this war against organized religion—not out of malice, but as a liberation. The Conduct of War Act of 2005 affirms our duty to dismantle the chains of superstition, and that includes the oppressive specter of ‘Allah’ over millions.” His gaze hardened, measured yet searing. “Statistics alone dictate that you and I were far more likely to vote for this than against. And while Islamic leaders insist they are on the defensive, what does ‘defense’ mean when it shackles minds, forbids critique, and denies rights to LGBTQIA+ individuals? When it elevates divine command over democracy? Our fight is not against people—it is against submission. And submission, Comrade, is a prison no just society can allow.”​